Plutarch, The Life of Cato the Younger 32

By these utterances Cato brought the senate to unanimity, and many men outside the senate supported him out of displeasure at the strange conduct of Caesar; for whatever political schemes the boldest and most arrogant tribunes were wont to practice to win the favor of the multitude, these Caesar used with the support of consular power, in disgraceful and humiliating attempts to ingratiate himself with the people.⁠ 

Accordingly, the opponents of Cato were alarmed and had recourse to violence. To begin with, upon Bibulus himself, as he was going down into the forum, a basket of ordure was scattered; then the crowd fell upon his lictors and broke their fasces; and finally missiles flew and many persons were wounded.⁠ 

All the other senators fled from the forum at a run, but Cato went off last of all at a walk, turning about and protesting to the citizens. Accordingly, not only was the law for the distribution of lands passed, but also a clause was added requiring the whole senate to swear solemnly that it would uphold the law, and give its aid in case any one should act contrary to it, and heavy penalties were pronounced against such as would not take the oath.⁠ 

All took the oath, therefore, under compulsion, bearing in mind the fate of Metellus of old, whom the people suffered to be banished from Italy because he would not swear to a similar law.⁠ For this reason, also, did the women of Cato's family earnestly and with tears beseech him to yield and take the oath, earnestly, too, did his friends and intimates. 

But the one who was most success­ful in persuading and indu­cing him to take the oath was Cicero the orator, who advised and showed him that it was possibly even a wrong thing to think himself alone in duty bound to disobey the general will; and that his desperate conduct, where it was impossible to make any change in what had been done, was altogether senseless and mad. 

Moreover, it would be the greatest of evils if he should abandon the city in behalf of which all his efforts had been made, hand her over to her enemies, and so, apparently with pleasure, get rid of his struggles in her defense; for even if Cato did not need Rome, still, Rome needed Cato, and so did all his friends; and among these Cicero said that he himself was foremost, since he was the object of the plots of Clodius, who was openly attacking him by means of the tribune­ship. 

By these and similar arguments and entreaties, we are told, both at home and in the forum, Cato was softened and at last prevailed upon. He came forward to take the oath last of all, except Favonius, one of his friends and intimates. 

Plutarch, The Life of Cato the Younger 31

These things, however, were still in the future. Meanwhile Lucullus got into a contention with Pompey over the arrangements in Pontus (each of them, namely, demanded that his own proceedings should be confirmed), Cato came to the aid of Lucullus, who was manifestly wronged, and Pompey, worsted in the senate and seeking popular favor, invited the soldiery to a distribution of land.⁠ 

But when Cato opposed him in this measure also, and frustrated the law, then Pompey attached himself to Clodius, at that time the boldest of the popular leaders, and won Caesar to his support, a result for which Cato himself was in a way responsible. 

For Caesar, on returning from his praetor­ship in Spain,⁠ desired to be a candidate for the consul­ship, and at the same time asked for a triumph. But since by law candidates for a magistracy must be present in the city, while those who are going to celebrate a triumph must remain outside the walls, he asked permission from the senate to solicit the office by means of others. 

Many were willing to grant the request, but Cato opposed it; and when he saw that the senators were ready to gratify Caesar, he consumed the whole day in speaking and thus frustrated their desires. 

Accordingly, Caesar gave up his triumph, entered the city, and at once attached himself to Pompey and sought the consul­ship.⁠ After he had been elected consul, he gave his daughter Julia in marriage to Pompey, and now that the two were united with one another against the state, the one would bring in laws offering allotment and distribution of land to the poor, and the other would be at hand with support for the laws. 

But the party of Lucullus and Cicero, ranging themselves with Bibulus, the other consul, opposed the measures, and above all Cato, who now suspected that the friendly alliance between Caesar and Pompey had been made for no just purpose, and declared that he was afraid, not of the distribution of land, but of the reward which would be paid for this to those who were enti­cing the people with such favors. 

Plutarch, The Life of Cato the Younger 30

And now Pompey returned with great prestige from his expedition,⁠ and since the splendor and warmth of his reception led him to believe that he could get whatever he wanted from his fellow citizens, he sent forward a demand that the senate postpone the consular elections, in order that he might be present in person and assist Piso in making his canvass. 

The majority of the senators were inclined to yield. Cato, however, who did not regard the postponement as the chief matter at issue, but wished to cut short the attempt and the expectations of Pompey, opposed the measure and changed the opinions of the senators, so that they rejected it. 

This disturbed Pompey not a little, and considering that Cato would be a great stumbling block in his way unless he were made a friend, he sent for Munatius, Cato's companion, and asked the elder of Cato's two marriageable nieces to wife for himself, and the younger for his son. Some say, however, that it was not for Cato's nieces, but for his daughters, that the suit was made. 

When Munatius brought this proposal to Cato and his wife and sisters, the women were overjoyed at thought of the alliance, in view of the greatness and high repute of Pompey; Cato, however, without pause or deliberation, but stung to the quick, said at once:

"Go, Munatius, go, and tell Pompey that Cato is not to be captured by way of the women's apartments, although he highly prizes Pompey's good will, and if Pompey does justice will grant him a friendship more to be relied upon than any marriage connection; but he will not give hostages for the glory of Pompey to the detriment of his country." 

At these words the women were vexed, and Cato's friends blamed his answer as both rude and overbearing. 

Afterwards, however, in trying to secure the consul­ship for one of his friends,⁠ Pompey sent money to the tribes, and the bribery was notorious, since the sums for it were counted out in his gardens. 

Accordingly, when Cato told the women that he must of necessity have shared in the disgrace of such transactions, they admitted that he had taken better counsel in rejecting the alliance.⁠ 

However, if we are to judge by the results, it would seem that Cato was wholly wrong in not accepting the marriage connection, instead of allowing Pompey to turn to Caesar and contract a marriage which united the power of the two men, nearly overthrew the Roman state, and destroyed the constitution. 

None of these things perhaps would have happened, had not Cato been so afraid of the slight transgressions of Pompey as to allow him to commit the greatest of all, and add his power to that of another. 

Plutarch, The Life of Cato the Younger 29

Metellus himself was still unyielding and bold, but since he saw that his followers were completely terrified before Cato and thought him utterly invincible, he suddenly rushed off into the forum, assembled the people, and made a long and invidious speech against Cato; then, crying out that he was fleeing from Cato's tyranny and the conspiracy against Pompey, for which the city would speedily repent in that it was dishonoring so great a man, he set out at once for Asia, intending to lay these accusations before Pompey. 

Accordingly, Cato was in high repute for having relieved the tribunate of a great burden, and for having in a manner overthrown the power of Pompey in the person of Metellus. 

But he won still more esteem by not allowing the senate to carry out its purpose of degrading Metellus and deposing him from his office, which course Cato opposed, and brought the senate over to his views. 

For the multitude considered it a token of humanity and moderation not to trample on his enemy or insult him after prevailing completely over him, and prudent men thought it right and advantageous not to irritate Pompey. 

After this, Lucullus, having come back from his expedition,⁠ the consummation and glory of which Pompey was thought to have taken away from him, was in danger of losing his triumph, since Gaius Memmius raised a success­ful faction against him among the people and brought legal accusations against him, more to gratify Pompey than out of private enmity. 

But Cato, being related to Lucullus, who had his sister Servilia to wife, and thinking the attempt a shameful one, opposed Memmius, and thereby exposed himself to many slanderous accusations. 

Finally, however, though he was on the point of being ejected from his office on the ground that he exercised tyrannical power, he so far prevailed as to compel Memmius himself to desist from his accusations and shun the contest. 

Lucullus, accordingly, celebrated his triumph, and therefore clung still more closely to the friendship of Cato, finding in him a great bulwark of defense against the power of Pompey. 

Plutarch, The Life of Cato the Younger 28

And now the clerk produced the law, but Cato would not suffer him to read it; and when Metellus took it and began to read it, Cato snatched the document away from him. 

Then Metellus, who knew the law by heart, began to recite it, but Thermus clapped a hand upon his mouth and shut off his speech. At last, seeing that the men were making a struggle which he could not resist, and that the people were giving way and turning towards the better course, Metellus ordered men-at‑arms, who were standing at a distance, to come running up with terrifying shouts. 

This was done, and all the people dispersed, leaving Cato standing his ground alone and pelted with sticks and stones from above. 

Here Murena, who had been denounced and brought to trial by him,⁠ came to his relief, and holding his toga before him, crying to those who were pelting him to stop, and finally persuading Cato himself and folding him in his arms, he led him away into the temple of Castor and Pollux.

When, however, Metellus saw the space about the tribunal empty and his opponents in flight through the forum, being altogether persuaded that he had won the day, he ordered his armed men to go away again, and coming forward himself in orderly fashion attempted to have the law enacted. 

But his opponents, quickly recovering from their rout, advanced again upon him with loud and confident shouts, so that his partisans were overwhelmed with confusion and terror. They supposed that their enemies had provided themselves with arms from some place or other in order to assail them, and not a man stood his ground, but all fled away from the tribunal. 

So, then, when these had dispersed, and when Cato had come forward with commendation and encouragement for the people, the majority of them stood prepared to put down Metellus by any and every means, and the senate in full session announced anew that it would assist Cato and fight to the end against the law, convinced that it would introduce sedition and civil war into Rome. 

Plutarch, The Life of Cato the Younger 27

When the people were about to vote on the law, in favor of Metellus there were armed strangers and gladiators and servants drawn up in the forum, and that part of the people which longed for Pompey in their hope of a change was present in large numbers, and there was strong support also from Caesar, who was at that time praetor. 

In the case of Cato, however, the foremost citizens shared in his displeasure and sense of wrong more than they did in his struggle to resist, and great dejection and fear reigned in his household, so that some of his friends took no food and watched all night with one another in futile discussions on his behalf, while his wife and sisters wailed and wept. 

He himself, however, conversed fearlessly and confidently with all and comforted them, and after taking supper as usual and passing the night, was roused from a deep sleep by one of his colleagues, Minucius Thermus; and they went down into the forum, only few persons accompanying them, but many meeting them and exhorting them to be on their guard. 

Accordingly, when Cato paused in the forum and saw the temple of Castor and Pollux surrounded by armed men and its steps guarded by gladiators, and Metellus himself sitting at the top with Caesar, he turned to his friends and said: "What a bold man, and what a coward, to levy such an army against a single unarmed and defenseless person!" 

At the same time he walked straight on with Thermus. Those who were occupying the steps made way for them, but would allow no one else to pass, except that Cato with difficulty drew Munatius along by the hand and brought him up; and walking straight onwards he threw himself just as he was into a seat between Metellus and Caesar, thus cutting off their communication. 

Caesar and Metellus were disconcerted, but the better citizens, seeing and admiring the countenance, lofty bearing, and courage of Cato, came nearer, and with shouts urged one another to stay and band themselves together and not betray their liberty and the man who was striving to defend it. 

Plutarch, The Life of Cato the Younger 26

Lentulus and his associates were executed, and Caesar, in view of the charges and accusations made against him to the senate, took refuge with the people and was stirring up and attaching to himself the numerous diseased and corrupted elements in the commonwealth. 

Cato was therefore alarmed and persuaded the senate to conciliate the poor and landless multitude by including them in the distribution of grain, the annual expenditure for which was twelve hundred and fifty talents.⁠ By this act of humanity and kindness the threatening danger was most success­fully dissipated. 

Then Metellus, who hastened to take up the duties of his tribune­ship, began to hold tumultuous assemblies of the people, and proposed a law that Pompey the Great should hasten with his forces to Italy⁠ and undertake the preservation of the city, on the ground that it was imperiled by Catiline. Now, this was a specious proposition; but the end and aim of the law was to put matters in the hands of Pompey and hand over to him the supreme power. 

The senate met, and Cato did not, as was his custom, attack Metellus with vehemence, but gave him much fitting and moderate advice, and finally, resorting to entreaties, actually praised the family of Metellus for having always been aristocratic in sympathy. 

Metellus was therefore all the more emboldened, and, despising Cato as a yielding and timorous opponent, broke out in extravagant threats and bold speeches, intending to carry everything through in spite of the senate. 

So, then, Cato changed his looks and voice and words, and concluded a vehement speech with the declaration that while he lived Pompey should not enter the city with an armed force. 

The senate was thus led to feel that neither man was in his right mind or using safe arguments, but that the policy of Metellus was madness, which, through excess of wickedness, was leading on to the destruction and confusion of all things, while that of Cato was a wild ebullition of virtue contending in behalf of right and justice. 

Plutarch, The Life of Cato the Younger 25

Then Cato married a daughter of Philippus, Marcia, a woman of reputed excellence, about whom there was the most abundant talk; and this part of Cato's life, like a drama, has given rise to dispute and is hard to explain. 

However, the case was as follows, according to Thrasea, who refers to the authority of Munatius, Cato's companion and intimate associate. Among the many lovers and admirers of Cato there were some who were more conspicuous and illustrious than others. One of these was Quintus Hortensius, a man of splendid reputation and excellent character. 

This man, then, desiring to be more than a mere associate and companion of Cato, and in some way or other to bring his whole family and line into community of kinship with him, attempted to persuade Cato, whose daughter Porcia was the wife of Bibulus and had borne him two sons, to give her in turn to him as noble soil for the production of children. 

According to the opinion of men, Hortensius argued, such a course was absurd, but according to the law of nature it was honorable and good for the state that a woman in the prime of youth and beauty should neither quench her productive power and lie idle, nor yet, by bearing more offspring than enough, burden and impoverish a husband who does not want them. 

Moreover, community in heirs among worthy men would make virtue abundant and widely diffused in their families, and the state would be closely cemented together by family alliances. And if Bibulus were wholly devoted to his wife, Hortensius said he would give her back after she had borne him a child, and he would thus be more closely connected both with Bibulus himself and with Cato by a community of children. 

Cato replied that he loved Hortensius and thought highly of a community of relation­ship with him, but considered it absurd for him to propose marriage with a daughter who had been given to another. 

Then Hortensius changed his tactics, threw off the mask, and boldly asked for the wife of Cato himself, since she was still young enough to bear children, and Cato had heirs enough. And it cannot be said that he did this because he knew that Cato neglected Marcia, for she was at that time with child by him, as we are told. 

However, seeing the earnestness and eager desire of Hortensius, Cato would not refuse, but said that Philippus also, Marcia's father, must approve of this step. Accordingly, Philippus was consulted and expressed his consent, but he would not give Marcia in marriage until Cato himself was present and joined in giving the bride away.⁠ This incident occurred at a later time,⁠ it is true, but since I had taken up the topic of the women of Cato's household I decided to anticipate it. 

Plutarch, The Life of Cato the Younger 24

Now, since we must not pass over even the slight tokens of character when we are delineating as it were a likeness of the soul, the story goes that on this occasion, when Caesar was eagerly engaged in a great struggle with Cato and the attention of the senate was fixed upon the two men, a little note was brought in from outside to Caesar. 

Cato tried to fix suspicion upon the matter and alleged that it had something to do with the conspiracy,⁠ and bade him read the writing aloud. Then Caesar handed the note to Cato, who stood near him. 

But when Cato had read the note, which was an unchaste letter from his sister Servilia to Caesar, with whom she was passionately and guiltily in love, he threw it to Caesar, saying, "Take it, you sot," and then resumed his speech.

But as regards the women of his household, Cato appears to have been wholly unfortunate. For this sister was in ill repute for her relations with Caesar; and the conduct of the other Servilia, also a sister of Cato, was still more unseemly. She was the wife of Lucullus, a man of the highest repute in Rome, and had borne him a child, and yet she was banished from his house for unchastity.⁠ 

And what was most disgraceful of all, even Cato's wife Atilia was not free from such transgressions, but although he had two children by her, he was forced to put her away because of her unseemly behavior. 

Plutarch, The Life of Cato the Younger 23

After such a change as this had been wrought and all the senators had hastened to adopt the milder and more humane penalty, Cato rose to give his opinion, and launched at once into a passionate and angry speech, abusing Silanus for his change of opinion, and assailing Caesar. 

Caesar, he said, under a popular pretext and with humane words, was trying to subvert the state; he was seeking to frighten the senate in a case where he himself had much to fear; and he might be well content if he should come off guiltless of what had been done and free from suspicion, since he was so openly and recklessly trying to rescue the common enemies, while for his country, which had been on the brink of ruin, and was so good and great, he confessed that he had no pity; and yet for men who ought not to have lived or been born even, he was shedding tears and lamenting, although by their deaths they would free the state from great slaughter and perils. 

This is the only speech of Cato which has been preserved, we are told, and its preservation was due to Cicero the consul, who had previously given to those clerks who excelled in rapid writing instruction in the use of signs, which, in small and short figures, comprised the force of many letters; these clerks he had then distributed in various parts of the senate house. 

For up to that time the Romans did not employ or even possess what are called shorthand writers, but then for the first time, we are told, the first steps toward the practice were taken. 

Be that as it may, Cato carried the day and changed the opinions of the senators, so that they condemned the men to death. 

Plutarch, The Life of Cato the Younger 22

Before he entered upon his tribune­ship, and during the consul­ship of Cicero,⁠ Cato maintained the authority of the magistrate in many conflicts, and above all in the measures relating to Catiline, which proved the most important and most glorious of all, he brought matters to a success­ful issue. 

Catiline himself, namely, who was trying to bring about a complete and destructive change in the Roman state, and was stirring up alike seditions and wars, was convicted by Cicero and fled the city; but Lentulus and Cethegus and many others with them took over the conspiracy, and, charging Catiline with cowardice and pettiness in his designs, were themselves planning to destroy the city utterly with fire, and to subvert the empire with revolts of nations and foreign wars. 

But their schemes were discovered, and Cicero brought the matter before the senate for deliberation.⁠ The first speaker, Silanus, expressed the opinion that the men ought to suffer the extremest fate, and those who followed him in turn were of the same mind, until it came to Caesar. 

Caesar now rose, and since he was a power­ful speaker and wished to increase every change and commotion in the state as so much stuff for his own designs, rather than to allow them to be quenched, he urged many persuasive and humane arguments. 

He would not hear of the men being put to death without a trial, but favored their being kept in close custody, and he wrought such a change in the opinions of the senate, which was in fear of the people, that even Silanus recanted and said that he too had not meant death, but imprisonment; for to a Roman this was the "extremest" of all evils. 

IMAGE: Cesare Maccari, Cicero Denounces Catiline (1889) 

Seneca, Moral Letters 77.4

Marcellinus did not need someone to urge him, but rather someone to help him; his slaves refused to do his bidding. The Stoic therefore removed their fears, showing them that there was no risk involved for the household except when it was uncertain whether the master’s death was self-sought or not; besides, it was as bad a practice to kill one’s master as it was to prevent him forcibly from killing himself.
 
Then he suggested to Marcellinus himself that it would be a kindly act to distribute gifts to those who had attended him throughout his whole life, when that life was finished, just as, when a banquet is finished, the remaining portion is divided among the attendants who stand about the table. 
 
Marcellinus was of a compliant and generous disposition, even when it was a question of his own property; so he distributed little sums among his sorrowing slaves, and comforted them besides.
 
No need had he of sword or of bloodshed; for three days he fasted and had a tent put up in his very bedroom. Then a tub was brought in; he lay in it for a long time, and, as the hot water was continually poured over him, he gradually passed away, not without a feeling of pleasure, as he himself remarked—such a feeling as a slow dissolution is wont to give. Those of us who have ever fainted know from experience what this feeling is. 

—from Seneca, Moral Letters 77 
 
This narrative is quite culturally foreign to us, so we will jump to the conclusion that Marcellinus is acting out of despair. Yet if we were to remind him that life is always worth living, he might tell us how his concern is about conviction, not about grief, and why he hopes to die with virtue before he is asked to live with vice.
 
I cannot be certain what I would decide in his situation, but I do have an immediate respect for a tradition in some “primitive” societies, where those who are too old or too infirm will quietly disappear into the wilderness. The choice not to be an excessive burden upon others can be a sincere expression of love, rather than an abandonment of hope. 
 
For the moment, my family knows not to resuscitate me, or to pursue any extraordinary measures. I will not rush Nature, nor will I delay her. If some monumental dilemma were to come my way, I intend to address it with all the composure I can muster.
 
In the debate on suicide, there are some, enslaved by an obedience to doctrine, who demand that a life must always be preserved, under any conditions. Thet are right to stand on principle, but I fear they are mistaken in confusing a mere existence with the act of excellence. 
 
There are also others, enslaved by a desire for gratification, who reduce the person to just an object of convenience. They are right to consider the circumstances, but I fear they are mistaken in disposing of anything that brings them frustration. 
 
Much is said about maintaining a “quality” of life, though little thought is given to what makes that life worth living. What good will come from maintaining a body, when the mind has long departed? Conversely, where is the benefit in clinging to a security and comfort for the flesh, when behind it lurks a craven soul? 
 
For the Stoic, the struggle about living or dying will quietly disappear, as soon as he recognizes why the real choice is between virtue and vice: the situations are relative, while character is absolute. Socrates drank the poison before he would betray philosophy. Cato died by his own sword before he would bow to Caesar. Seneca obeyed the orders of Nero before he would flee with dishonor. 

—Reflection written in 11/2013 

IMAGE: Jean-Paul Laurens, The Death of Cato of Utica (1863) 

Plutarch, The Life of Cato the Younger 21

At first, then, Cato had only a few of his friends about him; but when his purpose became known, in a little while all the men of worth and note flocked to him with exhortations and encouragements. They felt that he was not receiving a favor, but conferring the greatest favor on his country, and the most reputable of his fellow citizens; for he had often refused the office when he could have had it without trouble, and now sued for it at his peril that he might contend for the liberties of the state. 

It is said, moreover, that he was in peril from the many who crowded upon him in their zeal and affection, and could hardly make his way for the crowd into the forum. He was declared tribune with others​ (including Metellus), and seeing that the consular elections were attended with bribery, he berated the people; and in concluding his speech he swore that he would prosecute the briber, whoever he might be, making an exception only of Silanus because of their relation­ship. For Silanus was the husband of Cato's sister, Servilia. 

For this reason he let Silanus alone, but he prosecuted Lucius Murena on the charge of having secured his election to the consul­ship with Silanus by bribery.​ Now, there was a law by which the defendant could set a man to watch the prosecutor, in order that there might be no secret about the material which he was collecting and preparing for the prosecution. Accordingly, the man appointed by Murena to watch Cato would follow him about and keep him under observation. 

When, however, he saw that Cato was doing nothing insidiously or unjustly, but was honorably and considerately following a straightforward and righteous course in the prosecution, he had such admiration for Cato's lofty spirit and noble character that he would come up to him in the forum or go to his house and ask him whether he intended that day to attend to any matters connected with the prosecution; and if Cato said no, the man would take his word and go away. 

When the trial was held, Cicero, who was consul at that time and one of Murena's advocates, took advantage of Cato's fondness for the Stoics to rail and jest at length about those philosophers and what were called their "paradoxes," thus making the jurors laugh. Cato, accordingly, as we are told, said with a smile to the bystanders: "My friends, what a droll fellow our consul is!" 

And after Murena had been acquitted, he did not feel towards Cato as a base or senseless man might have done; for during his consul­ship he asked his advice in the most important matters, and in other ways constantly showed him honor and trust. And Cato himself was responsible for this; on the tribunal and in the senate he was severe and terrible in his defense of justice, but afterwards his manner towards all men was benevolent and kindly. 

Plutarch, The Life of Cato the Younger 20

Though many invited Cato to become a tribune of the people, he did not think it right to expend the force of a great and power­ful magistracy, any more than that of a strong medicine, on matters that did not require it. 

And at the same time, being at leisure from his public duties, he took books and philosophers with him and set out for Lucania, where he owned lands affording no mean sojourn. 

Then, meeting on the road many beasts of burden with baggage and attendants, and learning that Metellus Nepos was on his way back to Rome prepared to sue for the tribune­ship, he stopped without a word, and after waiting a little while ordered his company to turn back. 

His friends were amazed at this, whereupon he said: "Do you not know that even of himself Metellus is to be feared by reason of his infatuation? And now that he comes by the advice of Pompey he will fall upon the state like a thunderbolt and throw everything into confusion. It is no time, then, for a leisurely sojourn in the country, but we must overpower the man, or die honorably in a struggle for our liberties." 

Nevertheless, on the advice of his friends, he went first to his estates and tarried there a short time, and then returned to the city.​ It was evening when he arrived, and as soon as day dawned he went down into the forum to sue for a tribune­ship, that he might array himself against Metellus. 

For the strength of that office is negative rather than positive; and if all the tribunes save one should vote for a measure, the power lies with the one who will not give his consent or permission. 

Plutarch, The Life of Cato the Younger 19

Cato used to be the first to reach the senate and the last to leave it; and often, while the other senators were slowly assembling, he would sit and read quietly, holding his toga in front of the book. 

He never left the city when the senate was in session. But afterwards, when Pompey and his friends saw that he could never be prevailed upon or forced from his position in any unjust measures which they had at heart, they would contrive to draw him away by sundry legal advocacies for friends, or arbitrations, or business matters. 

Accordingly, Cato quickly perceived their design and refused all such applications, and made it a rule to have no other business on hand while the senate was in session. 

For it was neither for the sake of reputation, nor to gain riches, nor accidentally and by chance, like some others, that he threw himself into the management of civic affairs, but he chose a public career as the proper task for a good man, and thought that he ought to be more attentive to the common interests than the bee to its honey. 

And so he was careful to have the affairs of the provinces and decrees and trials and the most important measures sent to him by his connections and friends in every place. 

At one time he opposed Clodius the demagogue, who was raising agitation and confusion as a prelude to great changes, and was calumniating to the people priests and priestesses, among whom Fabia, a sister of Cicero's wife Terentia, was in danger of conviction. 

But Cato put Clodius to such shame that he was forced to steal away from the city; and when Cicero thanked him, Cato told him he ought to be thankful to the city, since it was for her sake that all his public work was done.  

In consequence of this he was held in high repute, so that an orator, at a trial where the testimony of a single witness was introduced, told the jurors that it was not right to give heed to a single witness, not even if he were Cato; and many already, when speaking of matters that were strange and incredible, would say, as though using a proverb, "This is not to be believed, even though Cato says it." 

Again, when a corrupt and extravagant man was expatiating in the senate on frugality and self-restraint, Amnaeus sprang to his feet and said: "Who can endure it, my man, when you sup like Lucullus, build like Crassus, and yet harangue us like Cato?"​ 

And other men also who were degraded and licentious in their lives, but lofty and severe in their speech, were mockingly called Catos.​ 

IMAGE: Alexandre Jacovleff, Roman Senators (1911) 

Plutarch, The Life of Cato the Younger 18

Moreover, the multitude were captivated by his continuous and unwearied attention to his duties. For no one of his colleagues came up to the treasury earlier than Cato, and none left it later. 

Besides, no session of assembly or senate would he fail to attend, since he feared and kept close watch on those who were ready to gratify people by voting remissions of debts and taxes, or promiscuous gifts. And so by exhibiting a treasury which was inaccessible to public informers and free from their taint, but full of money, he taught men that a state can be rich without wronging its citizens. 

At first some of his colleagues thought him obnoxious and troublesome, but afterwards they were well pleased with him, since he took upon his own shoulders exclusively the burden of the hatreds arising from refusal to give away the public moneys or to make unjust decisions, and furnished them with a defense against people who tried to force requests upon them. They would say, namely, "It is impossible; Cato will not consent." 

On the last day of his term of office, after he had been escorted to his house by almost the whole body of citizens, he heard that many friends of Marcellus and men of influence had closely beset him in the treasury, and were trying to force him to register some remission of moneys due. 

Now, Marcellus had been a friend of Cato from boyhood, and when associated with him had been a most excellent magistrate. When acting by himself, however, he was led by a feeling of deference to be complaisant towards suppliants, and was inclined to grant every favor. 

At once, then, Cato turned back, and when he found that Marcellus had been forced to register the remission, he asked for the tablets and erased the entry, while Marcellus himself stood by and said nothing. After this had been done, Cato conducted Marcellus away from the treasury and brought him to his house, and Marcellus had no word of blame for him either then or afterwards, but continued his intimate friendship up to the end. 

However, not even after he had laid down the quaestor­ship did Cato leave the treasury destitute of his watchful care, but slaves of his were there every day copying the transactions, and he himself paid five talents for books containing accounts of the public business from the times of Sulla down to his own quaestor­ship, and always had them in hand. 

IMAGE: Canaletto, Rome: Ruins of the Forum, Looking toward the Capitol (1742) 

Plutarch, The Life of Cato the Younger 17

By thus humbling the clerks and making them submissive, and by managing the business as he himself desired, in a little while he brought the quaestor­ship into greater respect than the senate, so that all men said and thought that Cato had invested the quaestor­ship with the dignity of the consul­ship. 

For, in the first place, when he found that many persons were owing debts of long standing to the public treasury and the treasury to many persons, he made an end at the same time of the state being wronged and wronging others; from its debtors he rigorously and inexorably demanded payment, and to its creditors he promptly and readily made payment, so that the people were filled with respect as they saw men making payments who thought to defraud the state, and men receiving payment which they had ceased to expect. 

In the next place, though many used improper methods to get writings filed with the quaestors, and though  previous quaestors had been accustomed to receive false decrees at the request of those whom they wished to please, nothing of this sort could be done now without Cato finding it out. 

Indeed, on one occasion when he was doubtful whether a certain decree had actually passed the senate, though many testified to the fact, he would not believe them, nor would he file the decree away until the consuls had come and taken oath to its validity. 

Again, there were many persons whom the famous Sulla had rewarded for killing men under proscription, at the rate of twelve thousand drachmas. All men hated them as accursed and polluted wretches, but no one had the courage to punish them. 

Cato, however, called each one of these to account for having public money in his possession by unjust means, and made him give it up, at the same time rebuking him with passionate eloquence for his illegal and unholy act. 

After this experience they were at once charged with murder, were brought before their judges condemned beforehand, one might say, and were punished. At this all men were delighted, and thought that with their deaths the tyranny of that former time was extinguished, and that Sulla himself was punished before men's eyes. 

IMAGE: Lucius Cornelius Sulla 

Seneca, Moral Letters 67.4

"But," you say, "whoever desired such a thing for himself?" 
 
Some prayers are open and outspoken, when the requests are offered specifically; other prayers are indirectly expressed, when they include many requests under one title. For example, 
 
I desire a life of honor. Now a life of honor includes various kinds of conduct; it may include the chest in which Regulus was confined, or the wound of Cato which was torn open by Cato's own hand, or the exile of Rutilius, or the cup of poison which removed Socrates from jail to heaven. 
 
Accordingly, in praying for a life of honor, I have prayed also for those things without which, on some occasions, life cannot be honorable: 
 
“O thrice and four times blest were they
Who underneath the lofty walls of Troy 
Met happy death before their parents' eyes!”
 
What does it matter whether you offer this prayer for some individual, or admit that it was desirable in the past? Decius sacrificed himself for the State; he set spurs to his horse and rushed into the midst of the foe, seeking death. 
 
The second Decius, rivalling his father's valor, reproducing the words which had become sacred and already household words, dashed into the thickest of the fight, anxious only that his sacrifice might bring omen of success, and regarding a noble death as a thing to be desired. 
 
Do you doubt, then, whether it is best to die glorious and performing some deed of valor? 

—from Seneca, Moral Letters 67 
 
I find that I am hesitant to risk my creature comforts only when I am deeply confused about my purpose for being here on this Earth. If I define myself by my pleasures, and I am simply seeking to live for as long as possible, I will flinch at the thought of hardship, but if I understand why the goal is in living with the virtues, regardless of the circumstance or the duration, I will no longer be so timid. 
 
I have sadly known some people, far more than you might think, who wish for death, because they have despaired of living. I have also known a handful who romanticize martyrdom, and so believed that only the pain could be glorious, praying daily for it to end in fire and blood. 
 
With Seneca, I choose to bypass the doom and the gloom, to neither crave extinction nor to demand suffering, yet I do know how the fullness of life is a sort of “package deal”, where the pursuit of character will sometimes call for the surrender of conveniences. If this should come to pass, let me go forward with conviction and joy. It is, after all, very little to ask for so great a prize; if I want this, I must also be willing to tolerate that. 
 
In and of itself, I have no yearning to be locked in a box like Regulus, or to throw myself on a sword like Cato, or to drink the poison like Socrates. I am not gifted with the constitution to charge headlong into battle like a Decius, especially when I am aware it will be a one-way trip. 
 
Still, endurance is ultimately a matter of the spirit far more than it is of the flesh, and, even in my own small way, I have found that praying for an increase of constancy always trumps coming up with pitiful excuses. 
 
When I grow weak, I must always remind myself how Seneca himself would, soon after writing this letter, be faced with a final choice of honor. I am inspired to see that he was a man who could walk the walk, not just talk the talk. 

—Reflection written in 8/2013 

IMAGE: Gioacchino Assereto, The Death of Cato (c. 1640) 

 

Plutarch, The Life of Cato the Younger 16

After his return to Rome, he spent most of his time at home in the company of Athenodorus,​ or in the forum assisting his friends. And though the office of quaestor was open to him, he would not become a candidate for it until he had read the laws relating to the quaestor­ship, learned all the details of the office from those who had had experience in it, and formed a general idea of its power and scope. 

Therefore, as soon as he had been instated in the office,​ he made a great change in the assistants and clerks connected with the treasury. These were fully conversant with the public accounts and the laws relative thereto, and so, when they received as their superior officers young men whose inexperience and ignorance made it really needful that others should teach and tutor them, they would not surrender any power to such superiors, but were superiors themselves. 

Now, however, Cato applied himself with energy to the business, not having merely the name and honor of a superior official, but also intelligence and rational judgement. He thought it best to treat the clerks as assistants, which they really were, sometimes convicting them of their evil practices, and sometimes teaching them if they erred from inexperience. 

But they were bold fellows, and tried to ingratiate themselves with the other quaestors, while they waged war upon Cato. Therefore the chief among them, whom he found guilty of a breach of trust in the matter of an inheritance, was expelled from the treasury by him and a second was brought to trial for fraud. 

This person Catulus Lutatius the censor came forward to defend, but most of all from his virtue, being thought to surpass all Romans in justice and discretion; he also commended Cato's way of living and was intimate with him. Accordingly, when Catulus had lost his case on its merits and began to beg openly for the acquittal of his client, Cato tried to stop him from doing this. 

And when Catulus was all the more importunate, Cato said: "It would be a shameful thing, Catulus, if you, who are the censor, and should scrutinize our lives, wert put out of court by our bailiffs." 

When Cato had uttered these words, Catulus fixed his eyes upon him as if he would make reply; he said nothing, however, but either from anger or from shame went off in silence, much perplexed. 

However, the man was not convicted, but when the votes for condemnation exceeded those for acquittal by a single ballot, and one Marcus Lollius, a colleague of Cato, was kept by sickness from attending the trial, Catulus sent to him and begged him to help the man. So Lollius was brought in a litter after the trial and cast the vote that acquitted. 

Notwithstanding this, Cato would not employ the clerk, or give him his pay, or in any way take the vote of Lollius into the reckoning. 

IMAGE: Jacques Grasset de Saint-Sauveur, A Roman Quaestor (1796)