TEXT: Plutarch, The Life of Cato the Younger (tr Aubrey Stewart/George Long)

PLUTARCH

THE LIFE OF CATO (tr Aubrey Stewart and George Long)

 I. Cato's family derived the origin of its splendour and reputation
from his great-grandfather[653] Cato, a man who had reputation and
power chief among the Romans by reason of his merit, as it has been
written in his Life. Cato was left an orphan with his brother Cæpio
and a sister Porcia. Servilia also was a sister of Cato by the same
mother. All of them were brought up and lived with Livius Drusus,[654]
their mother's uncle, who was then the chief political leader; for he
was a most powerful speaker, and also a man of the best regulated
habits, and in lofty bearing inferior to no Roman. It is said that
Cato from his childhood both in his voice and the expression of his
countenance and even in his amusements gave indication of a character
immovable and impassive and firm in everything. His purposes displayed
a strength in accomplishing his ends which was above his age: and
while he was rough and stubborn towards those who attempted to flatter
him, still more did he show his mastery over all who would try to
terrify him by threats. He was also difficult to move to laughter, and
his countenance was seldom relaxed even into a smile; he was not quick
nor prone to anger, but when he had been moved to anger, he was hard
to pacify. Accordingly when he began to learn, he was dull and slow to
conceive, but when he had conceived, he held fast and remembered well.
And it is generally the case that those who have a good natural
capacity are more ready at recollection,[655] but those have a strong
memory who learn with labour and trouble; for all learning is in a
manner a branding on the mind. It appears too that Cato's difficulty
of persuasion made learning a matter of more labour to him; for
learning is in truth a kind of passive condition, and to be easily
persuaded is incident to those who have less power of resistance. It
is for this reason that young men are more easily persuaded than old
men, and sick persons than those who are whole; and generally, with
those in whom the doubting faculty is weakest, that which is proposed
meets the readiest acceptance. However, they say that Cato was
obedient to his pædagogus and did everything that he was bid, but he
would ask for the reason of everything, and inquire the Why. His
pædagogus also was a good-tempered man, and was readier at a reason
than a blow: his name was Sarpedon.

II. While Cato was still a boy, the Allies[656] of the Romans were
agitating to obtain the Roman franchise; and a certain Pompædius
Sillo,[657] a man of military talent and of the highest repute, and a
friend of Drusus, lodged with him several days, during which he became
familiar with the youths, and he said, "Come now, pray your uncle on
our behalf to exert himself to get the franchise for us." Now, Cæpio
with a smile nodded assent, but as Cato made no answer and looked on
the strangers steadily and sternly, Pompædius said, "But you, young
man, what reply have you for us? Can you not help the strangers with
your uncle, like your brother?" As Cato still would not speak, but by
his silence and his expression showed that he rejected their entreaty,
Pompædius took him up and holding him through the window as if he
intended to drop him down, told him either to assent or he would let
him fall, and at the same time he assumed an angry tone and several
times he swung the boy backwards and forwards as he held him in his
hands. Now, when Cato had borne this for some time, unmoved and
fearless, Pompædius gently putting him down said to his friends, "What
a blessing[658] to Italy that he is a child; for if he were a man, I
do not think we should have a single vote among the people." On
another occasion when a kinsman on his birthday invited to supper
other boys and Cato with them, in order to pass the time they played
in a part of the house by themselves, younger and older mixed
together; and the game consisted of trials, and accusations, and
carrying off those who were convicted. Now, one of the boys convicted,
who was of a handsome presence, being dragged off by an older boy to a
chamber and shut up, called on Cato for aid. Cato soon perceiving what
was going on came to the door, and pushing through those who were
standing before it and endeavouring to stop him, took the boy out; and
in a passion he went off home with him and other boys accompanied him.

III. Cato was so much talked off that when Sulla was preparing for
exhibition the sacred horse race called Troja,[659] in which youths
are the actors, and had got together the boys of noble birth and
appointed two captains, the boys submitted to the one for his mother's
sake, for he was a son of Metella, Sulla's wife; but the other, who
was a nephew of Pompeius and named Sextus, they would not have, nor
would they go through their exercise nor follow him; and on Sulla
asking whom they would have, they all called out "Cato," and Sextus
himself gave way and yielded the honour to Cato as his better. It
happened that Sulla was an old friend of Cato's family, and sometimes
he had the children brought to him and talked with them, a kind of
friendship which he showed to few, by reason of the weight and state
of the office and power that he held. Sarpedon considering this a
great matter both as regarded the honour and security of the youth,
constantly took Cato to pay his respects to Sulla at his house, which
at that time to all outward appearance differed not from a place of
torture for criminals,[660] so great was the number of those who were
dragged there and put to the rack. Cato was at this time in his
fourteenth year, and seeing the heads of persons who were said to be
men of distinction brought out, and those who were present lamenting
inwardly, he asked his pædagogus why nobody killed this man. Sarpedon
replied, "Because they fear him, child, more than they hate him."
"Why, then," said Cato, "do you not give me a sword that I might kill
him, and so free my country from slavery?" Hearing these words and at
the same time observing his eyes and countenance to be filled with
passion and resolve, Sarpedon was so afraid that henceforward he kept
a close look and watch upon him, that he should not venture on any
desperate measure. Now when he was still a little boy, and some
persons asked him whom he loved most, he replied his brother; when he
was asked whom he loved next, he gave the same answer, his brother;
and so on to the third question, until the questioner was tired out by
always getting the same answer. When he arrived at man's estate, he
strengthened still more his affection to his brother; for when he was
twenty years of age he never supped, he never went abroad, never came
into the Forum without Cæpio. When Cæpio used perfumes, Cato would
not have them; and in all other respects he was strict and frugal in
his way of living. Accordingly Cæpio, who was admired for his
temperance and moderation, admitted that he was indeed temperate and
moderate when contrasted with others, "but," said he, "when I compare
my life with Cato's, I seem to myself to differ not at all from
Sippius;" which was the name of a man notorious at that time for
luxury and effeminacy.

IV. After Cato obtained the priesthood[661] of Apollo, he changed his
residence, and taking his portion of his paternal property, which
portion was a hundred and twenty talents, he contracted his style of
living still further, and making his companion of Antipater[662] of
Tyrus, a Stoic, he attached himself mainly to Ethical and Political
studies, occupying himself with every virtue as if he were possessed
by some divine influence; but above all that part of the beautiful
which consists in steady adherence to justice and in inflexibility
towards partiality or favour was his great delight. He disciplined
himself also in the kind of speaking which works upon numbers,
considering that, as in a great state, so in political philosophy,
there should be nurtured with it something of the contentious quality.
Yet he did not practise his exercises in company with others, nor did
any one hear him when he was declaiming; but to one of his companions
who observed, "Men find fault, Cato, with your silence," he replied,
"I only hope they may not find fault with my life. But I will begin to
speak, when I am not going to say something that were better unsaid."

V. The Basilica[663] called Porcia was a censorial dedication of the
old Cato. Now, as the tribunes were accustomed to transact business
here, and there was a pillar which was considered to be in the way of
their seats, they resolved to take it away or to remove it to another
spot. This was the first occasion that brought Cato into the Forum,
and against his will; for he opposed the tribunes, and he gained
admiration by this sample of his eloquence and elevated character. His
speech contained nothing juvenile or artificial, but it was
straightforward, full to overflowing, and rough. However there was
diffused over the roughness of the sentiments a charm which led the
ear, and his own character intermingled with it gave to the dignity of
his address a certain pleasingness and placidity, that were not ill
calculated to win men's favour. His voice was loud and powerful enough
to reach to so large a multitude, and it had a strength and tone which
could neither be broken nor tired; for he often spoke for a whole day
without being wearied. On this occasion he got the better in the
matter in dispute, and then again wrapped himself up in silence and
his discipline. He used to harden his body by vigorous exercises,
training himself to endure both heat and snow with uncovered head, and
to walk along the roads in all seasons without a vehicle. His friends
who used to accompany him on his journeys employed horses, and Cato
would often go side by side with each of them in turns, and talk to
them, himself walking while they rode. He showed in his complaints
also wonderful endurance and self-denial; for when he had a fever, he
would spend the day quite alone without permitting any person to
approach him, until he felt certain relief, and that the disease was
going away.

VI. At entertainments he used to cast lots for the parts, and if he
failed, and his friends urged him to begin first, he would say that it
was not right to do so against the will of Venus.[664] And at first he
would get up from supper after drinking once, but in course of time
he stuck to drinking more than anybody, so that he often continued
over his wine till daybreak. His friends said that the cause of this
was the administration and public affairs, in which Cato being engaged
all day and hindered from literary pursuits, associated with
philosophers during the night and over his cups. Accordingly when one
Memmius[665] observed in company that Cato was intoxicated all night
long, Cicero rejoined, "But you do not say that he also plays at dice
all day long." Altogether Cato thought that he ought to walk a course
the opposite to the then modes of life and usages, which he considered
to be bad and to require a great change, and observing that a purple
dress of a deep bright was much in fashion, he himself wore the dark.
He would go into public without shoes and tunic after dinner, not
seeking for reputation by the strangeness of the practice, but
habituating himself to be ashamed only of what was shameful, and to
despise everything else as indifferent. The inheritance of his cousin
Cato of the value of a hundred talents having been added to his
property, he turned it into money and let any of his friends make use
of it who needed, without paying interest. Some also pledged to the
treasury both lands and slaves of his, which Cato himself offered for
this purpose and confirmed the pledge.

VII. When he considered that he was ripe for marriage, without ever
having had to do with any woman, he betrothed Lepida, who had before
been promised in marriage to Scipio Metellus,[666] but at that time
was disengaged, for Scipio had repudiated her, and the betrothment was
cancelled. However before the marriage Scipio again changed his mind,
and by using every exertion got the maid. Cato, who was greatly
irritated and stung, made preparation to prosecute the matter in legal
form, but on his friends preventing him, in his passion and youthful
fervour he betook himself to iambic verses and vented much injurious
language upon Scipio, employing the bitterness of Archilochus,[667]
but dropping his ungoverned licence and childish manner. He married
Atilia,[668] the daughter of Soranus, and this was the first woman
with whom he came together, but not the only woman, like Lælius[669]
the companion of Scipio; for Lælius was more fortunate in having known
during his long life only one woman and that his wife.

VIII. When the Servile War[670] was on foot, which they called the war
of Spartacus, Gellius was commander, but Cato joined the service as a
volunteer for his brother's sake, for his brother Cæpio was a tribune.
He had not indeed the opportunity of displaying as much as he wished
his zeal and his discipline in virtue owing to the war being ill
conducted; but notwithstanding this, by showing, in contrast to the
great effeminacy and luxury of those who were engaged in that
campaign, orderly behaviour and bravery when it was required, and
courage and prudence in all things, he was considered in no degree to
fall short of the old Cato. Gellius assigned to him special
distinctions and honours, which Cato would not take nor allow, saying
that he had done nothing worthy of honour. In consequence of this he
was considered a strange kind of fellow; and when a law was made, that
those who were candidates for an office should not be accompanied by
nomenclators,[671] he was the only person when a candidate for a
tribuneship who observed the law; and having himself made it his
business to salute and address those whom he met with, he did not
escape censure even from those who praised him, for the more they
perceived the honourable nature of his conduct, the more they were
annoyed at the difficulty of imitating it.

IX. Upon being appointed a tribune he was sent to Macedonia to Rubrius
the Prætor. On that occasion it is told that his wife being troubled
and shedding tears, one of the friends of Cato, Munatius, said,
"Atilia, be of good cheer; I will take care of him for you." "It shall
be so," replied Cato; and after they had advanced one day's journey,
he said immediately after supper, "Come, Munatius, and keep your
promise to Atilia by not separating yourself from me either by day or
by night." Upon this he ordered two beds to be placed in the same
chamber and Munatius always slept thus, being watched in jest by Cato.
There accompanied him fifteen slaves, and two freedmen and four
friends, and while they rode on horseback, Cato himself always went on
foot, keeping by the side of each of them in turns and talking with
them. When he arrived at the camp, where there were several legions,
being appointed to the command of one legion by the general, he
considered the display of his own merit, being only one thing, as a
small matter and nothing kingly, but being chiefly ambitious to make
those who were under him like himself, he did not deprive his power of
its terrors, but he added to it reason, by means of which persuading
and instructing his men about every thing--honour and punishment
following; whether he made his soldiers more peaceable or warlike or
more full of zeal or just, it is difficult to say, so formidable did
they become to the enemy, and gentle to the allies, and so little
disposed to wrong, and so ambitious of praise. But that which Cato
cared least for, he had most of, both good opinion, and popularity,
and honour above measure, and affection from the soldiers. For by
voluntarily labouring at that which he imposed on others, and in his
dress and way of living and marching on foot making himself like them
rather than the commander, and in his morals and in his noble bearing,
and in eloquence surpassing all who were intitled Imperators and
generals, by such means he imperceptibly produced in the men at the
same time good will towards himself. For no true emulation after
virtue is bred except from perfect good will and respect towards him
who commends it: but those who having no love, praise the brave,
respect their character, though they admire not their virtue, nor do
they imitate it.

X. Hearing that Athenodorus[672] named Kordylion, who had great skill
in the Stoic philosophy, was living at Pergamus, being now an old man,
and having most resolutely resisted all intimacy and friendship with
governors and kings, Cato thought that he should get nothing by
sending and writing to him, but as he had a furlough of two months
allowed by the law, he made a voyage to Asia to the man, in the
confidence that through his own merits he should not fail in the
chase. After discoursing with Athenodorus and getting the victory
over him and drawing him from his settled purpose, he returned with
him to the camp, overjoyed and greatly elated at having made the
noblest capture and got a more splendid booty than the nations and
kingdoms which Pompeius at that time and Lucullus were subduing in
their campaigns.

XI. While Cato was still engaged in the service, his brother, who was
on his road to Asia, fell sick at Ænus,[673] in Thrace; and a letter
immediately came to Cato, and though the sea was very stormy, and
there was no vessel at hand of sufficient size, taking only two
friends with him and three slaves, he set sail from Thessalonike in a
small trading ship. After narrowly escaping being drowned at sea, he
was saved by unexpected good luck, but he found Cæpio already dead. He
was considered to have borne the misfortune with more of passion than
philosophy, not only in his lamentations and his embracings of the
dead body and the heaviness of his grief, but also in his expenditure
about the interment, and the trouble that he took about fragrant
spices and costly vests which were burnt with the body, and a monument
of polished Thasian stone of the cost of eight talents which was
constructed in the Agora of Ænus. These things there were some who
found fault with by comparison with Cato's freedom from all display in
other matters, not seeing how much mildness and affection there was in
the man who was inflexible and firm against pleasures and fears and
shameless entreaties. For the celebration of the funeral both cities
and princes offered to send him many things to do honour to the dead,
from none of whom however would he receive valuables, but he accepted
fragrant spices and vests, paying the price to those who sent the
things. Though the succession came to him and the young daughter of
Cæpio, he did not claim back in the division of the property any thing
that he had expended about the funeral. And though he did such things
as these and continued to do such, there was one[674] who wrote, that
he passed the ashes of the dead through a sieve and sifted them to
search for the gold that was burnt. So far did the writer allow, not
to his sword only, but also to his stilus, irresponsibility and
exemption from all account.

XII. When the time of Cato's service was at an end, he was attended on
his departure, not with good wishes, which is usual, nor yet with
praises, but with tears and never-satisfied embraces, the soldiers
placing their garments under his feet on the way by which he went and
kissing his hands, which the Romans of that day hardly ever did to any
of their Imperators. As he wished, before engaging in public affairs,
at the same time to travel about to make himself acquainted with Asia,
and to see with his own eyes the customs and mode of living and power
of each province, and at the same time not to give any offence to the
Galatian Deiotarus,[675] who prayed Cato to come to him on account of
the ancient ties of hospitality and friendship that subsisted between
him and Cato's family, he made his sojourning after this fashion. At
daybreak he used to send forward his bread-maker and cook to the place
where he intended to lodge; and it was their practice to enter the
city with great decorum and no stir, and if there happened to be no
ancient friend of Cato's family there or no acquaintance, they would
prepare for his reception in an inn without troubling anybody; and if
there was no inn, they would in that case apply to the magistrates and
gladly accept what accommodation was offered. And oftentimes getting
no credit, and being neglected because they did not apply to the
magistrates about these matters with noise or threats, Cato came upon
them before they had accomplished their business, and when he was
seen, he was still more despised; and because he would sit silently on
the baggage, he gave them the notion of being a person of mean
condition and a very timid man. However Cato would call them to him,
and would say, "Ye miserable wretches, lay aside this inhospitable
practice. All those who come to you will not be Catos. Dull by your
kind reception the power of those who only want a pretext to take by
force what they cannot get from you with your consent."

XIII. In Syria[676] a laughable incident is said to have happened to
him. For as he was walking to Antiocheia, he saw near the gates on the
outside a number of men arranged on each side of the road, among whom
young men by themselves in cloaks and boys on the other side stood in
orderly wise, and some had white vests and crowns, and these were
priests of the gods or magistrates. Now Cato, being quite sure that
some honourable reception was preparing for him by the city, was angry
with those of his own people who had been sent on, for not having
prevented this, and he bade his friends get off their horses and he
proceeded with them on foot. But when they came near, he who was
arranging all this ceremony and setting the folk in order, a man
somewhat advanced in years, holding a rod in his hand and a chaplet,
advanced in front of the rest, and meeting Cato, without even saluting
him, asked where they had left Demetrius and when he would be there.
Demetrius had been a slave of Pompeius, but at this time, as all the
world, so to speak, had their eyes on Pompeius, Demetrius was courted
above his merits on account of his great influence with Pompeius. Now
the friends of Cato were seized with such a fit of laughter that they
could not contain themselves as they walked through the crowd, but
Cato, who at the time was vehemently disconcerted, uttered the words,
"O ill-fated city," and nothing more; afterwards however he was
accustomed to laugh at the matter himself both when he told the story
and when he thought of it.

XIV. However Pompeius himself reproved those who thus misbehaved
themselves towards Cato in their ignorance. For when Cato on his
arrival at Ephesus went to pay his respects to Pompeius as his elder,
and much his superior in reputation and then at the head of the
greatest armies, Pompeius observing him did not wait or allow Cato to
approach him as he was seated, but springing up as to a man of
superior rank, he met him and gave him his right hand. And Pompeius
passed many encomiums on the merit of Cato while treating him as a
friend and showing him attention during his stay, and still more when
he had departed, so that all persons being admonished and now
directing their observation to Cato admired him for the things for
which he was despised, and studied his mildness and magnanimity. Yet
it did not escape notice that the great attention of Pompeius to him
proceeded more from respect than from love, and people discerned that
Pompeius honoured him while he was present, and was glad when he went
away. For the other young men who came to him, he was ambitious to
keep with him, and he wished them to stay, but he asked of Cato
nothing of the kind, and as if he were not commander with
irresponsible power while Cato was there, he was glad to get rid of
him; and yet he was almost the only person among those who were
sailing to Rome to whom Pompeius commended his children and wife, who
however were connected with Cato by kinship. In consequence of this
there was high regard and great exertion and emulation in the cities
towards Cato, and suppers and invitations, wherein Cato bade his
friends keep a watch upon him, lest he should unawares make good what
Curio[677] had said. For Curio, who was annoyed at the austerity of
Cato, who was his friend and intimate, asked him if he should like to
visit Asia after he had served his time in the army. And on Cato
saying that he should like it very much, "You say well," replied
Curio, "for you will be more agreeable when you return thence, and
tamer," using some such words as these.

XV. Deiotarus the Galatian, who was now an old man, sent for Cato,
wishing to intrust to him his children and his family; and on his
arrival he offered him all manner of presents, and tried and entreated
him in every way till he so irritated Cato, that after arriving in the
evening and staying all night, he set off on the following day about
the third hour. However when he had advanced one day's journey, he
found in Possinus[678] more presents than before awaiting him there,
and letters from the Galatian begging him to receive them; and if he
should not be disposed to take them, to let his friends at least
receive favours on his account, as they well deserved it, and Cato had
not much of his own. But Cato did not give in even to these arguments,
though he saw that some of his friends were beginning to be softened
and were inclined to blame him; but observing that all receiving of
gifts might find a good excuse, and his friends should share in all
that he got honourably and justly, he sent back the presents to
Deiotarus. As he was about to set sail to Brundisium, his friends
thought that they ought to put the ashes of Cæpio in another vessel,
but Cato, saying that he would rather part with his life than the
ashes of his brother, set sail. And indeed it is said that it chanced
that he had a very dangerous passage, though the rest got to
Brundisium with little difficulty.

XVI. On his return to Rome he spent his time either at home in the
company of Athenodorus, or in the Forum assisting his friends. Though
the office of Quæstor[679] was now open to him, he did not become a
candidate for it till he had read the laws relating to the
quæstorship, and had learned all particulars from the experienced, and
had comprehended the powers of the office in a certain shape.
Accordingly as soon as he was established in the office, he made a
great change in the servants and clerks about the treasury, for as
they constantly had in hand the public accounts and the laws, and had
young superiors who, by reason of their inexperience and ignorance, in
fact required others to teach and direct them, they did not allow
their superiors to have any power, but were the superior officers
themselves, until Cato vigorously applied himself to the business, not
having the name only and the honour of a magistrate, but understanding
and judgment and apt expression; and he resolved to make the clerks
into servants as they really were, in some things detecting their evil
doings, and in others correcting their errors which arose from
inexperience. But as the clerks were insolent, and attempted to
ingratiate themselves with and to flatter the other quæstors, and
resisted him, he expelled from the treasury the first among them whom
he had detected in knavish dealings in a matter of trust concerning an
inheritance, and he brought another to trial for dishonesty. This
second person Catulus Lutatius[680] the censor came forward to defend,
a man who had great dignity from his office, and the greatest from his
merit, being considered superior to all the Romans in integrity and
temperance; and he was also an admirer and intimate friend of Cato all
through his life. Now, when Catulus found that the justice of the case
was against him and openly asked to have the man acquitted for his
sake, Cato would not allow him to act so: and when he still continued
to urge his request, Cato said, "It were a scandalous thing, Catulus,
for you, who are the censor, and whose duty it is to examine into our
lives, to be turned out[681] by our officers." When Cato had uttered
these words, Catulus looked at him as if he were going to reply, but
he said nothing, and either being angry or ashamed he went away in
silence and perplexed. However the man was not convicted, for when the
votes for condemnation had exceeded those for acquittal by a single
vote, and Lollius Marcus, one of the colleagues of Cato, owing to
sickness had not attended at the trial, Catulus sent to him and
prayed him to give his support to the man; and he was carried thither
in a litter after the trial and gave the vote which acquitted. However
Cato did not employ the clerk nor give him his pay, nor did he take
any reckoning at all of the vote of Lollius.

XVII. Having thus humbled the clerks and reduced them to obedience, by
managing the accounts in his own way, he made the treasury in a short
time more respected than the Senate, so that every body said and
considered that Cato had surrounded the quæstorship with the dignity
of the consulship. For in the first place finding that many persons
owed old debts to the state and that the state was indebted to many,
he at the same time put an end to the state being wronged and wronging
others, by demanding the money from those who owed it vigorously and
without relenting at all, and paying the creditors speedily and
readily, so that the people respected him when they saw those pay who
expected to defraud the state, and those recover who never expected
it. In the next place, it was the general practice to bring in
writings without observing the proper forms, and previous quæstors
used to receive false decrees to please persons, and at their request.
Cato however let nothing of this kind escape his notice, and on one
occasion being in doubt about a decree, whether it was really
ratified, though many persons testified to the fact, he would not
trust them, nor did he allow it to be deposited until the consuls came
and by oath confirmed its genuineness. Now there were many whom Sulla
had rewarded for killing proscribed persons at the rate of twelve
thousand drachmæ apiece, and though all detested them as accursed and
abominable wretches, no one ventured to bring them to punishment; but
Cato, calling to account every man who had public money by unfair
means, made him give it up and at the same time upbraided him for his
unholy and illegal acts with passion and argument. Those whom this
befel were immediately charged with murder and were brought before the
judices in a manner prejudged, and were punished, to the joy of all
who considered that the tyranny of those former times was at the same
time blotted out and that they witnessed Sulla himself punished.

XVIII. The many were captivated by his persevering and unwearied
industry: for none of his colleagues went up earlier to the treasury
or came away after him. He never omitted attending any meeting of the
people and of the Senate, for he feared and kept a watch on those who
were ready to vote for remissions of debts and taxes and for gifts in
favour of any body. By proving that the treasury was inaccessible and
free from intrigues, and full of money, he showed that they could be
rich without doing wrong. Though at first he appeared to be disliked
by and odious to some of his colleagues, he afterwards gained their
good-will by subjecting himself on behalf of them all to the hatred
that was incurred by not giving away the public money and by not
deciding dishonestly, and by furnishing them with an answer to those
who preferred their requests and urged them, that nothing could be
done if Cato did not consent. On the last day of his office when he
had been accompanied to his house by almost all the citizens, he heard
that many who were intimate with Marcellus,[682] and men of influence,
had fallen upon him at the treasury and having got round him were
forcing him to sign a certain payment of money that was due. Marcellus
from his boyhood had been a friend of Cato and together with him had
been a most excellent magistrate, but by himself he was easily led by
others through false shame, and was ready to oblige any body.
Accordingly Cato immediately returned to the treasury, and finding
that Marcellus had been prevailed upon to sign the payment asked for
the tablets and erased what was written, while Marcellus stood by and
said not a word. Having done this Cato conducted him down from the
treasury and put him in his house; and Marcellus neither then nor
afterwards found fault with Cato, but continued on intimate terms with
him all along. Nor did Cato when he had quitted the treasury leave it
destitute of protection, but slaves of his were there daily who copied
out the transactions, and he himself purchased for five talents books
which contained the public accounts from the times of Sulla to his own
quæstorship, and he always had them in his hands.

XIX. He used to go into the Senate house the first, and he was the
last to come away; and often while the rest were slowly assembling, he
would sit and read quietly, holding his toga before the book. He never
went abroad when there was to be a meeting of the Senate; but
afterwards when Pompeius saw that Cato could not be prevailed upon,
and could never be brought to comply with the unjust measures on which
he was intent, he used to contrive to engage him in giving his aid to
some friend in a matter before the courts, or in arbitrations, or in
discharging some business. But Cato quickly perceiving his design,
refused all such engagements and made it a rule to do nothing else
while the Senate was assembled. For it was neither for the sake of
reputation, nor self-aggrandisement, nor by a kind of spontaneous
movement, nor by chance, like some others, that he was thrown into the
management of state affairs, but he selected a public career as the
proper labour of a good man, and thought that he ought to attend to
public concerns more than the bee to its cells, inasmuch as he made it
his business to have the affairs of the provinces and decrees and
trials and the most important measures communicated to him by his
connections and friends in every place. On one occasion by opposing
Clodius the demagogue, who was making a disturbance and laying the
foundation for great charges, and calumniating to the people the
priests and priestesses, among whom was also Fabia,[683] the sister of
Terentia, Cicero's wife, he was in great danger, but he involved
Clodius in disgrace and compelled him to withdraw from the city; and
when Cicero thanked him, Cato said that he ought to reserve his
gratitude for the state, as it was for the sake of the state that he
did every thing and directed his political measures. In consequence of
this there was a high opinion of him, so that an orator said to the
judices on a certain trial when the evidence of a single person was
produced, that it was not right to believe a single witness even if he
was Cato; and many persons now were used to say when speaking of
things incredible and contrary to all probability, as by way of
proverb, that this could not be believed even if Cato said it. And
when a man of bad character and great expense delivered a discourse in
the senate in favour of frugality and temperance, Amnæus[684] rose up
and said, "My man, who will endure you, you who sup like Crassus, and
build like Lucullus, and harangue us like Cato." Others also who were
people of bad character and intemperate, but in their language
dignified and severe, they used to call by way of mockery, Catos.

XX. Though many invited him to the tribuneship, he did not think it
well to expend the power of a great office and magistracy, no more
than that of a strong medicine, on matters wherein it was not
required. At the same time as he had leisure from public affairs, he
took books and philosophers with him and set out for Lucania, for he
had lands there on which there was no unseemly residence. On the road
he met with many beasts of burden and baggage and slaves, and learning
that Nepos Metellus[685] was returning to Rome for the purpose of
being a candidate for the tribuneship, he halted without speaking, and
after a short interval ordered his people to turn back. His friends
wondering at this, he said, "Don't you know that even of himself
Metellus is a formidable man by reason of his violence; and now that
he has come upon the motion of Pompeius, he will fall upon the state
like a thunderbolt and put all in confusion? It is therefore not a
time for leisure or going from home, but we must get the better of the
man or die nobly in defence of liberty." However at the urgency of his
friends he went first to visit his estates, and after staying no long
time he returned to the city. He arrived in the evening, and as soon
as day dawned, he went down into the Forum to be a candidate for the
tribuneship and to oppose Metellus. For this magistracy gives more
power to check than to act; and even if all the rest of the tribunes
save one should assent to a measure, the power lies with him who does
not consent or permit.

XXI. At first there were few of Cato's friends about him, but when his
views became public, in a short time all the people of character and
distinction crowded together and cheered and encouraged him, for they
said it was no favour that he was receiving, but he was conferring the
greatest favour on his country and the most honest of the citizens,
for that when it was often in his power to hold a magistracy without
any trouble, he now came down to contend on behalf of freedom and the
constitution, not without danger. It is said that owing to many
persons through zeal and friendly disposition crowding towards him he
was in some danger, and with difficulty on account of the crowd he
made his way to the Forum. Being elected tribune with others and with
Metellus, and observing that the consular comitia were accompanied
with bribery, he rated the people, and at the close of his speech he
swore that he would prosecute the briber, whoever he might be, with
the exception of Silanus,[686] on account of his connection with him;
for Silanus had to wife Servilia, a sister of Cato. For this reason he
passed over Silanus, but he prosecuted Lucius Murena,[687] on the
charge of having secured his election with Silanus by bribery. There
was a law according to which the accused had always the power to
appoint a person to watch the accuser, in order that it might not be
unknown what he was getting together and preparing to support the
prosecution. Now he who was appointed by Murena to watch Cato used to
accompany him and observe his conduct, and when he saw that Cato was
doing nothing with unfair design or contrary to equity, but honourably
and in a kindly spirit was going a simple and straightforward course
towards the prosecution, he had such admiration of his noble bearing
and morality that he would come up to Cato in the Forum, or go to his
door and ask, whether he intended that day to attend to any matters
that concerned the prosecution, and if he said that he did not, he
would take his word and go away. When the trial came on, Cicero, who
was then consul and one of the advocates of Murena, on account of
Cato's connection with the Stoics, ridiculed and mocked these
philosophers and their so-called paradoxes, and thus made the judices
laugh. On which it is said that Cato, with a smile, observed to those
who were present, "My friends, what a ridiculous consul we have."
Murena, who was acquitted, did not display towards Cato the temper of
a bad or a foolish man, for in his consulship he used to ask his
advice in the most important affairs, and all along in every other
matter showed him respect and confidence. Cato's own conduct was the
cause of this, for while he was severe and terrible on the judgment
seat and in the Senate on behalf of justice, he was benevolent and
friendly in all his social intercourse.

XXII. Before Cato entered on the tribuneship, during Cicero's
consulship he supported his administration in many other difficulties,
and he put the finishing stroke to the measures relating to
Catiline,[688] which were the most important and glorious of all.
Catiline himself, who was designing to effect a pernicious and
complete change in the Roman state, and was at the same time stirring
up insurrection and war, being convicted by Cicero, fled from the
city; but Lentulus and Cethegus and many others with them, who had
taken up the conspiracy, upbraiding Catiline with cowardice and want
of spirit in his designs, were plotting to destroy the city with
fire, and to subvert the supremacy of Rome by the revolt of nations
and by foreign wars. Their schemes having been discovered in the
manner told in the Life of Cicero, he laid the matter before the
Senate for their deliberation, whereupon Silanus, who spoke first,
gave his opinion that the men ought to suffer the extreme punishment,
and those who followed him spoke to the same effect, till it came to
Cæsar's turn. Cæsar now rose, and as he was a powerful speaker and
wished rather to increase all change and disturbance in the state than
to allow it to be quenched, considering it as the stuff for his own
designs to work upon, he urged many arguments of a persuasive and
humane kind to the effect that the men ought not to be put to death
without trial, and he advised that they should be confined in prison:
and he wrought so great a change in the opinion of the Senate, who
were afraid of the people, that even Silanus retracted what he had
said, and affirmed that neither had he recommended that they should be
put to death, but that they should be imprisoned; for to a Roman this
was the extreme of punishment.

XXIII. Such had been the change, and all the Senators in a body had
gone over to the milder and more humane proposal, when Cato rising to
deliver his opinion, commenced his speech in anger and passion,
abusing Silanus for changing his mind, and attacking Cæsar, whom he
charged with a design to overturn the State under a popular guise and
pretext of humanity, and with making the Senate alarmed at things at
which he himself ought to be alarmed, and therewith well content, if
he escaped unharmed on account of what had passed and without
suspicion, when he was so openly and audaciously endeavouring to
rescue the common enemies of all, and admitting that he had no pity
for the state, such and so great though it was, and though it had so
narrowly escaped destruction, but was shedding tears and lamenting
because those who ought never to have existed or been born would by
their death release the state from great bloodshed and danger. They
say that this is the only speech of Cato which is preserved, and that
it was owing to Cicero the consul, who had previously instructed
those clerks who surpassed the rest in quick writing in the use of
certain signs which comprehended in their small and brief marks the
force of many characters and had placed them in different parts of the
Senate house. For the Romans at this time were not used to employ nor
did they possess what are called note-writers,[689] but it was on this
occasion, as they say, that they were first established in a certain
form. However, Cato prevailed and changed the opinion of the Senate,
who condemned the men to death.

XXIV. Now as we perhaps ought not to omit even the slight tokens of
character when we are delineating as it were a likeness of the soul,
it is reported that on this occasion when Cæsar was making much
exertion and a great struggle against Cato, and the attention of the
Senate was fixed on both of them, a small letter was brought in for
Cæsar from the outside. Cato attempted to fix suspicion on this
matter, and alleged that some of the senators were disturbed at it and
he bade him read the writing, on which Cæsar handed the letter to Cato
who was standing near him. Cato read the letter, which was an amatory
epistle addressed to Cæsar by his sister Servilia[690] who was
enamoured of Cæsar and had been debauched by him, and throwing it at
Cæsar he said, "Take it, drunkard," and so resumed his speech. Indeed
in the female part of his family Cato appears to have always been
unlucky. For this sister had a bad report in respect of Cæsar; and the
conduct of the other Servilia, also a sister of Cato, was still more
unseemly. For though she was married to Lucullus, a man who was among
the first of the Romans in reputation, and bore him a child, she was
driven from his house for incontinence. And what was most scandalous
of all, even Cato's wife Atilia was not free from such vices, for
though he had two children by her, he was compelled to put her away
for her unseemly behaviour.

XXV. Cato then married Marcia, a daughter of Philippus,[691] who had
the character of being an honest woman, and about whom a good deal is
said; but just as in a drama, this part of Cato's life is a difficult
and perplexed matter. However it was after the following manner, as
Thrasea[692] writes, who refers as his authority to Munatius, a
companion and intimate associate of Cato. Among the numerous friends
and admirers of Cato there were some more conspicuous and
distinguished than others, of whom one was Quintus Hortensius,[693] a
man of splendid reputation and honest morals. Now as Hortensius was
desirous to be not merely an intimate friend and companion of Cato,
but in a manner to unite in kinship and community the whole family and
stock, he endeavoured to persuade Cato, whose daughter Porcia was the
wife of Bibulus and had born him two sons, to give her in turn to him
as a fertile soil to beget children in. He said that according to
men's opinion such a thing was strange, but that according to nature
it was good and for the advantage of states, that a woman who was in
her youth and perfection should neither lie idle and check her
procreative power, nor yet should by breeding more children than
enough cause trouble to her husband and impoverish him when he wanted
no more children; but that if there was a community of offspring among
worthy men, it would make virtue abundant and widely diffused among
families, and would mingle the state with itself by these family
relationships. If Bibulus, he said, was greatly attached to his wife,
he would return her as soon as she had born a child, and he had become
more closely united both with Bibulus and Cato by a community of
children. Cato replied that he loved Hortensius and valued his
kinship, but he considered it strange for Hortensius to speak about
the marriage of his daughter who had been given to another; on which
Hortensius changing his proposal and disclosing himself did not
hesitate to ask the wife of Cato, who was still young enough to bear
children, while Cato himself had children enough. And it cannot be
said that Hortensius did this because he knew that Cato paid no
attention to Marcia, for they say that she happened to be with child
at the time. Accordingly Cato seeing the earnestness and eagerness of
Hortensius did not refuse, but he said that Philippus the father of
Marcia must also approve of it. When they had seen Philippus and
informed him of the agreement, he did not give Marcia in marriage,
except in the presence of Cato, and Cato joined in giving her away.
Though this took place later, it seemed convenient to me to anticipate
the time as I had made mention of the female part of Cato's family.

XXVI. When Lentulus and his associates had been executed, and Cæsar,
on account of the charges and insinuations made against him before the
Senate, betook himself to the people for protection and was stirring
up the numerous diseased and corrupted members of the state and
collecting them about him, Cato, being alarmed, persuaded the Senate
to relieve the crowd of poor who had no property by an allowance of
grain, the expenditure for which purpose was to the amount of twelve
hundred and fifty talents[694] annually; and the threats of Cæsar were
manifestly rendered futile by this liberality and bounty. After this,
Metellus, as soon as he had entered on the tribuneship, got together
tumultuous meetings and proposed a law that Pompeius Magnus[695]
should hasten to Italy with his forces and should undertake the
protection of the city, which it was alleged was in danger from
Catiline. This was in appearance a specious proposal, but the real
object and end of the law was to put affairs in the hands of Pompeius
and to surrender to him the supremacy. When the Senate was assembled
and Cato did not in his usual way fall violently on Metellus, but
advised him with much forbearance and moderation, and at last even
betook himself to entreaty and praised the family of the Metelli for
having always been aristocratic, Metellus becoming much emboldened and
despising Cato, whom he supposed to be giving way and cowering, broke
out in extravagant threats and arrogant expressions, as if he would
accomplish every thing in spite of the Senate. On this Cato, changing
his attitude and tone and language, and concluding all that he said
with a vehement affirmation that so long as he lived Pompeius should
not come into the city with his soldiers, brought the Senate to this
opinion, that neither he nor Metellus was in a sober mind and that
neither of them was guided by sound considerations, but that the
measures of Metellus were madness which from excess of depravity was
loading to the destruction and confusion of every thing, and those of
Cato an enthusiasm of virtue struggling in behalf of honour and
justice.

XXVII. But when the people were going to vote on the law, and armed
strangers and gladiators and slaves had come to the Forum arrayed to
support Metellus, and that part of the people which longed for
Pompeius from desire of change was not small, and there was also great
support from Cæsar who was then prætor, and the first men of the
citizens rather shared in the indignation and wrongs of Cato than
joined him in making resistance, and great depression and alarm
prevailed in his family, so that some of his friends taking no food
watched all night with one another in perplexed deliberation on his
behalf, and his wife and sisters also were lamenting and weeping, Cato
himself displayed a fearless and confident behaviour to all, and
cheered them, and he took his supper, as usual, and after resting all
night was roused from a deep sleep by Minucius Thermus one of his
colleagues; and they went down to the Forum with a few persons
accompanying them, though many met them and urged them to be on their
guard. When Cato stopped and saw the temple of the Dioscuri[696]
surrounded by armed men and the steps guarded by gladiators, and
Metellus himself with Cæsar sitting above, he turned to his friends
and said, "O the daring and cowardly men, to collect such a force of
soldiery against a single man unarmed and defenceless." Saying this he
advanced straight forwards with Thermus; and those who occupied the
steps made way for them but they let nobody else pass, except that
Cato with difficulty pulled Munatius by the hand and got him up, and
then advancing right onwards, he flung himself between Metellus and
Cæsar and there took his seat, and so cut off their communications.
Cæsar and Metellus were disconcerted, but the better part of the
people seeing and admiring the noble bearing and spirit of Cato came
nearer, and with shouts encouraged Cato to be of good heart, and they
urged one another to stay and keep close together and not to betray
their liberty and the man who was contending in defence of it.

XXVIII. The clerk now produced the law, but Cato would not let him
read it, and when Metellus took it and began to read, Cato snatched
the writing from him; and when Metellus who knew the law by heart was
beginning to declare it orally, Thermus held his mouth with his hand
and stopped his voice, till at last Metellus seeing that the men were
making an opposition which he could not resist and that the people
were beginning to give way to what was best and to change, he ordered
armed men to hurry thither from his house[697] with threats and
shouts. This being done, and all having been dispersed except Cato,
who stood there, though he was pelted with stones and pieces of wood
from above, Murena, who had been brought to trial and prosecuted by
Cato, did not remain indifferent, but holding his toga in front of him
and calling out to those who were throwing missiles, to stop, and
finally persuading Cato himself and taking him in his arms, led him
off to the temple of the Dioscuri. Now when Metellus saw that all was
clear about the Rostra, and that his opponents were flying through the
Forum, being quite confident that he had got the victory, he ordered
the armed men to go away, and coming forward in an orderly manner he
attempted to conduct the proceedings about the law. But his opponents
quickly recovering themselves from their rout again advanced with loud
and confident shouts, so that the partizans of Metellus were seized
with confusion and fear, for they thought that their opponents were
falling on them with arms which they had provided themselves with from
some place or other, and not one of them stood his ground, but all ran
away from the Rostra. When they were thus dispersed, and Cato coming
forward partly commended and partly encouraged the people, the people
prepared themselves to put down Metellus by every means, and the
Senate assembling declared anew that they would support Cato and
resist the law, which they considered to be introducing discord and
civil war into Rome.

XXIX. Metellus himsalf was unmoved from his purpose and still bold,
but seeing that his partizans were struck with great terror at Cato,
and considered him invincible and that it was impossible to overpower
him, he suddenly hurried out to the Forum, and assembling the people
he said many things calculated to bring odium on Cato, and crying out
that he was flying from his tyranny and the conspiracy against
Pompeius, for which the city would speedily repent and for their
disgracing so great a man, he forthwith set out to Asia to lay all
these charges before Pompeius. Now the fame of Cato was great inasmuch
as he had eased the state of the no small burden of the tribuneship,
and in a manner had put down the power of Pompeius in the person of
Metellus; but he got still more credit by not consenting that the
Senate, who were minded to do it, should degrade Metellus, and by
opposing the measure and praying them not to pass it. For the majority
considered it a token of a humane and moderate temper not to trample
on his enemy nor insult him after he had got the victory; and to the
prudent it appeared wise and politic in him not to irritate Pompeius.
After this, Lucullus,[698] who had returned from his campaign, the
conclusion and the glory of which Pompeius was considered to have
snatched from him, ran the risk of not having a triumph, owing to
Caius Memmius stirring up the people and bringing charges against him,
rather to please Pompeius than out of any private ill-will. But Cato,
being connected with Lucullus by Lucullus having married Cato's sister
Servilia, and also thinking it a scandalous affair, resisted Memmius
and exposed himself to much calumny and many imputations. Finally an
attempt being made to eject Cato from his office, on the ground that
he was exercising tyrannical power, he so far prevailed as to compel
Memmius himself to desist from his prosecution and to give up the
contest. Lucullus accordingly had a triumph, in consideration of which
he stuck still more closely to the friendship of Cato, which was to
him a protection and bulwark against the power of Pompeius.

XXX. Pompeius[699] returning from his military command with great
reputation, and relying on the splendour and heartiness of his
reception for getting everything from the citizens that he asked for,
sent a message to the Senate before his arrival at Rome, to ask them
to put off the Comitia, that he might be present to assist Piso at his
canvass. The majority were ready to give way, but Cato who did not
consider the putting off the Comitia as the chief matter, and wished
to cut short the attempts and the hopes of Pompeius, opposed the
request and induced the Senate to change their mind and reject it.
This gave Pompeius no little uneasiness, and considering that he
should find no slight obstacle in Cato, if he did not make him his
friend, he sent for Munatius,[700] an intimate of Cato, and as Cato
had two marriageable nieces, he asked for the elder for his own wife,
and the younger for his son. Some say that the suit was not for the
nieces, but the daughters of Cato. When Munatius made the proposal to
Cato and his wife and sisters, the women were delighted above measure
at the prospect of the alliance by reason of the greatness and
reputation of the man; but Cato, without pause or deliberation, with
passion forthwith replied, "Go, Munatius, go, and tell Pompeius, that
Cato is not to be caught by approaching him through the women's
chamber, but that he is well content to have the friendship of
Pompeius, and if Pompeius will act rightly, Cato will show him a
friendship more sure than any marriage connection, but he will not
give up hostages to the reputation of Pompeius contrary to the
interests of his country." The women were vexed at these words, and
Cato's friends blamed his answer as both rude and insolent. The next
thing, however, was that Pompeius while trying to secure the
consulship for one of his friends, sent money for the tribes, and the
bribery[701] was notorious, the money being counted out in his
gardens. Accordingly when Cato observed to the women, that he who was
connected with Pompeius by marriage, must of necessity participate in
such measures and be loaded with the disgrace of them, they admitted
that he had judged better in rejecting the alliance of Pompeius. But
if we may judge by the result, Cato appears to have made a complete
mistake in not accepting the proposed alliance with Pompeius, and
allowing him to turn to Cæsar and to contract a marriage, which, by
uniting the power of Pompeius and Cæsar, nearly overthrew the Roman
state and did destroy the constitution, nothing of which probably
would have happened if Cato had not, through fear of the small errors
of Pompeius, overlooked the greatest, which was the allowing him to
increase the power of another.

XXXI. These things, however, were still in the future. Now when
Lucullus was engaged in a contest with Pompeius respecting the
arrangements made in Pontus, for each of them wished his own
arrangements to be confirmed, and Cato gave his aid to Lucullus, who
was manifestly wronged, Pompeius being worsted in the Senate and
seeking to make himself popular, proposed a division of lands among
the soldiery. But when Cato opposed him in this measure also and
frustrated the law, Pompeius next attached himself to Clodius, the
boldest of the demagogues at that time, and gained over Cæsar,[702] to
which Cato in a manner gave occasion. For Cæsar, who had returned from
his prætorship in Iberia, at the same time wished to be a candidate
for the consulship and asked for a triumph. But as it was the law that
those who were candidates for a magistracy should be present, and
those who were going to have a triumph should stay outside the walls,
Cæsar asked permission of the Senate to solicit the office through
means of others. Many were willing to consent, but Cato spoke against
it, and when he saw that the Senators were ready to oblige Cæsar, he
took up the whole day in talking, and thus frustrated the designs, of
the Senate. Cæsar accordingly giving up his hopes of a triumph,
entered the city, and immediately attached himself to Pompeius, and
sought the consulship. Being elected consul, Cæsar gave Julia in
marriage to Pompeius, and the two now coalescing against the state,
the one introduced laws for giving to the poor allotments and a
distribution of land, and the other assisted in supporting these
measures. But Lucullus and Cicero siding with Bibulus, the other
consul, opposed the measures, and Cato most of all, who already
suspected that the friendship and combination of Cæsar and Pompeius
had no just object, and said that he was not afraid of the
distribution of the land, but of the reward for it which those would
claim who were gratifying the multitude, and alluring them by this
bait.

XXXII. By these arguments Cato brought the Senate to an unanimous
opinion; and of those without the Senate no small number supported the
senators, being annoyed at the unusual measures of Cæsar: for what the
boldest and most reckless tribunes were used to propose for
popularity's sake, these very measures Cæsar in the possession of
consular power adopted, basely and meanly endeavouring to ingratiate
himself with the people. Cæsar's party, therefore, being alarmed, had
recourse to violence, and first of all a basket of ordure was thrown
upon Bibulus as he was going down to the Forum, and then the people
fell on his lictors and broke the fasces; finally missiles being
thrown about, and many being wounded, all the rest ran away from the
Forum except Cato, who walked away slowly, every now and then turning
round and cursing the citizens. Accordingly Cæsar's partisans not only
passed the law for the distribution of land,[703] but they added to it
a clause to compel all the Senate to swear that they would maintain
the law, and give their aid against any one who should act contrary to
it, and they enacted heavy penalties against those who did not swear.
All swore to maintain the law under compulsion, bearing in mind what
befell Metellus of old, whom the people allowed to be driven from[704]
Italy because he would not swear to observe a like enactment. For this
reason the women of Cato's family with tears earnestly entreated him
to yield and take the oath, and also his friends and intimate
acquaintance. But the person who most persuaded and induced Cato to
take the oath was Cicero the orator, who argued and urged that perhaps
it was not even right for him to think that he was the only man who
ought to refuse obedience to what had been determined by the common
voice; and when it was impossible to undo what had been done, it was
altogether senseless and mad to have no regard for himself; and of all
evils, he argued, it was the greatest to give up and surrender the
state, to the interests of which all his actions were directed, to
those who were plotting against it, as if he were glad to be released
from all struggles in its behalf; for if Cato did not stand in need of
Rome, Rome stood in need of Cato, and all his friends also did; and
among them Cicero said that he was the first, being the object of the
designs of Clodius, who was clearly proceeding to attack him by means
of the tribunitian office. By these and the like arguments and
entreaties, both at home and in the Forum, it is said that Cato was
induced to relent, and was prevailed upon with difficulty, and that he
came forward to take the oath last of all, except Favonius, one of his
friends and intimates.

XXXIII. Cæsar being encouraged, introduced another law for the
division of nearly the whole of Campania among the poor and needy.
Nobody spoke against it except Cato; and him Cæsar caused to be
dragged from the Rostra to prison, Cato the while remitting nothing of
his freedom of speech, but as he went along, at the same time speaking
about the law and advising them to cease attempting such political
measures. The Senate followed with downcast countenances, and the best
part of the people, much annoyed and troubled, though they said
nothing, so that Cæsar did not fail to see that they were displeased;
but out of self-will and expectation that Cato would appeal and have
recourse to entreaties, he continued leading him to prison. But when
it was plain that Cato intended to do nothing at all, Cæsar, overcome
by shame and the ill opinion of the thing, privately persuaded one of
the tribunes to rescue Cato. By these laws, however, and these grants
of land, they so cajoled the people, that they voted to Cæsar the
government of Illyricum and all Gaul with four legions for five years,
though Cato warned them that they would by their own votes plant the
tyrant in the Acropolis; and they transferred by illegal means Publius
Clodius from the patrician order to the plebeians, and made the man a
tribune, who was willing to do anything in his public capacity to
serve them, on condition that they would let Cicero be driven out; and
they made consuls Piso[705] Calpurnius, the father of Cæsar's wife,
and Gabinius Aulus, a man from the lap of Pompeius, as those say who
were acquainted with his habits and life.

XXXIV. But though Cæsar and his party had thus violently got
possession of the power, and had one part of the citizens at their
command through their grants, and another part through fear, they
still dreaded Cato. For even when they did get the advantage over him,
the fact that it was with difficulty and labour, and not without shame
and exposure that they hardly forced their purpose, was annoying and
vexatious. Clodius, indeed, did not expect to be able to put down
Cicero so long as Cato was at home, and as he was contriving how to
effect this, he sent for Cato as soon as he was in his office, and
addressed him to the effect that he considered Cato to be the purest
man of all the Romans, and he was ready to prove the sincerity of his
opinion by his acts, and he said that though many persons were
soliciting the commission to Cyprus and Ptolemæus,[706] and asking to
be sent, he thought Cato alone worthy of it, and that he gladly
offered him the favour. On Cato crying out that the thing was a snare
and insult and not a favour, Clodius replied in an insolent and
contemptuous manner, "Well, if you don't like it, you shall make the
voyage against your liking;" and immediately going before the people
he got the mission of Cato confirmed by a law. When Cato was leaving
Rome, Clodius allowed him neither ship nor soldier nor attendant
except two clerks, one of whom was a thief and a thorough knave, and
the other was a client of Clodius. And as if he had given him but
small occupations with the affairs of Cyprus and Ptolemæus, Clodius
commissioned him also to restore the Byzantine fugitives, his wish
being that Cato should be as long as possible from Rome during his
tribuneship.

XXXV. Being under such compulsion, Cato advised Cicero, who was
pressed by his enemies, not to raise any commotion nor to involve the
city in a contest and bloodshed, but by yielding to the times to be
again the saviour of his country; and sending forward to Cyprus
Canidius,[707] one of his friends, he prevailed on Ptolemæus[708] to
yield without a struggle, assuring him that he should want neither
money nor respect, for that the people would give him the priesthood
of the goddess at Paphos.[709] Cato himself stayed in Rhodes making
preparation and waiting for the answers. In the meantime
Ptolemæus,[710] King of Egypt, left Alexandria in anger after
quarrelling with the citizens, and set sail for Rome in the hope that
Cæsar and Pompeius would restore him with a military force; and as he
wished to see Cato he sent a message, expecting that Cato would come
to him. Cato happened to be then undergoing a purging,[711] and he
answered that Ptolemæus must come, if he wished to see him; and when
the king did come, Cato neither advanced to meet him nor rose, but
saluted him as one of his ordinary visitors and bade him be seated;
and by this behaviour the king was at first disturbed, and was amazed
at the contrast between Cato's haughty behaviour and rough manners,
and the meanness and simplicity of the man's attire. But when he had
begun to talk with him about his own affairs, and listened to words
full of wisdom and plain-speaking, for Cato reproved him and showed
what a happy condition he had left and to what servitude and toils and
corruption and love of aggrandisement in the chief men of the Romans
he was subjecting himself, whom scarcely Egypt would satisfy if it
were all turned into silver, and Cato advised the king to return and
be reconciled to his people, and said that he was ready to sail with
him and assist in bringing about an accommodation, the king, as if he
had been brought to his senses from some madness or delirium by the
words of Cato, and perceiving the integrity and judgment of the man,
was resolved to follow his advice. However, the king was again turned
by his friends to his original design, but as soon as he was in Rome
and was approaching the door of one of the magistrates, he groaned
over his ill resolve, as if he had rejected, not the advice of a good
man, but the prophetic warning of a deity.

XXXVI. The Ptolemæus in Cyprus, to Cato's good luck, poisoned himself;
and as it was said that he had left a large sum of money, Cato
determined to go to Byzantium himself, and he sent his nephew
Brutus[712] to Cyprus, because he did not altogether trust Canidius.
After bringing the exiles to terms with their fellow-citizens and
leaving Byzantium at peace with itself, he sailed to Cyprus. Now as
there was a great quantity of movables, such as suited a royal
household, consisting of cups, tables, precious stones and purple, all
which was to be sold and turned into money, Cato being desirous to do
everything with the greatest exactness and to bring up everything to
the highest price, and to be present everywhere and to apply the
strictest reckoning, would not trust even to the usages of the market,
but suspecting all alike, assistants, criers, purchasers and friends,
in fine, by talking to the purchasers singly and urging them to bid,
he in this way got most of the things sold that were put up for sale.
Cato thus offended the rest of his friends by showing that he did not
trust them, and Munatius, the most intimate of all, he put into a
state of resentment that was well nigh past cure; so that when Cæsar
was writing his book against Cato, this passage in the charges against
him furnished matter for the most bitter invective.

XXXVII. Munatius, however, states that his anger against Cato arose
not by reason of Cato's distrust of him, but his contemptuous
behaviour, and a certain jealousy of his own in regard to Canidius;
for Munatius also published a book about Cato, which Thrasea chiefly
followed. He says that he arrived after the rest in Cyprus and found
very poor accommodation prepared for him; and that on going to Cato's
door he was repulsed, because Cato was engaged about some matters in
the house with Canidius, and when he complained of this in reasonable
terms, he got an answer which was not reasonable and to the effect:
That excessive affection, as Theophrastus says, is in danger of often
becoming the cause of hatred, "for," continued Cato, "you, by reason
of your very great affection for me, are vexed when you suppose that
you receive less respect than is your due. But I employ Canidius
because I have made trial of him and trust him more than others, for
he came at the first and has shown himself to be an honest man." This,
says Munatius, Cato said to him, when they two were alone, but that
Cato afterwards told it to Canidius; and accordingly when Munatius
heard of it, as he says, he did not go to Cato's table nor to his
counsels when he was invited; and when Cato threatened that he would
take pledges[713] from him, which the Romans do in the case of those
who refuse to obey a command, that without caring for Cato's threats
he sailed away from Cyprus and for a long time continued to be angry
with him. That afterwards Marcia, for she was still the wife of Cato,
having spoken with Cato, both Cato and he happened to be invited to
supper by Barcas;[714] and Cato, who came in after the guests were
seated, asked where he should recline. Upon Barcas answering, "Where
he pleased," Cato looking about him said he would take his place near
Munatius; and going round he did take his place near him, but showed
him no other sign of friendly feeling during the supper. However, upon
Marcia preferring a second request, Cato wrote to him to say that he
wished to see him on some matter, and that he went early in the
morning to the house and was detained by Marcia till all the rest went
way, when Cato came in and throwing both his arms round him saluted
and received him with all signs of friendship. Now I have told this at
some length, because I consider such things to contain a certain
evidence for the exhibition and perception of character no less than
public and great acts.

XXXVIII. Cato[715] got together nearly seven thousand talents of
silver, and being afraid of the length of the voyage, he had many
vessels made, each of which contained two talents and five hundred
drachmæ, and he fastened to each vessel a long rope, to the end of
which was attached a very large piece of cork, with the view, that if
the ship were wrecked, the cork holding the vessels suspended in the
deep sea might indicate the place. Now the money, with the exception
of a small part, was safely conveyed; but though he had accounts of
all his administration carefully drawn up in two books, he saved
neither of them. One of them was in the care of his freedman
Philargyros, who set sail from Kenchreæ,[716] but was wrecked, and
lost the book and all the cargo with it: the other he had safely
carried as far as Corcyra, where he pitched his tent in the Agora; but
the sailors on account of the cold having lighted many fires, the
tents were burnt in the night, and the book was destroyed. The king's
managers who were present were ready to stop the mouths of the enemies
and detractors of Cato; but the matter gave him annoyance for other
reasons. For it was not to prove his own integrity, but to set an
example of exact dealing to others that he was ambitious to produce
his accounts, and this was the cause of his vexation.

XXXIX. Cato's arrival with the ships did not pass unobserved by the
Romans, for all the magistrates and priests, and all the Senate and a
great part of the people met him at the river, so that both the banks
were covered, and Cato's voyage upwards was not inferior to a triumph
in show and splendour. Yet it seemed to some to be a perverse and
stubborn thing, that though the consuls and prætors were present, Cato
neither landed to meet them nor stopped his course, but sweeping along
the shore in a royal galley of six banks, he never stopped till he had
moored his ships in the dockyard. However, when the money was carried
along through the Forum, the people were amazed[717] at the quantity,
and the Senate assembling voted together with suitable thanks that an
extraordinary prætorship[718] should be given to Cato, and that he
should wear a dress with a purple border when he was present at the
public spectacles. Cato protested against both these distinctions, but
he recommended the Senate to emancipate Nikias, the king's steward, to
whose care and integrity he bore testimony. At that time Philippus,
the father of Marcia, was consul, and in a manner the dignity and
power of the office were transferred to Cato, for the colleague of
Philippus[719] paid no less respect to Cato on account of his merit
than on account of his relationship to Philippus.

XL. When Cicero[720] had returned from the exile into which he was
driven by Clodius, and was now a powerful man, he forcibly pulled down
and destroyed in the absence of Clodius, the tribunitian tablets which
Clodius had recorded and placed in the Capitol; and the Senate having
been assembled about this business, and Clodius making it a matter of
accusation, Cicero said that inasmuch as Clodius had been made tribune
in an illegal manner, all that had been done during his tribunate and
recorded ought to be ineffectual and invalid. But Cato took exception
to what Cicero said, and at length he rose and declared, that he was
of opinion that there was nothing sound or good in any degree in the
administration of Clodius, but that if any man was for rescinding all
that Clodius had done in his tribunate, all his own measures relating
to Cyprus were thereby rescinded, and his mission had not been legal,
having been proposed by a man who was not legally tribune: he
maintained that Clodius had not been illegally elected tribune by
virtue of being adopted out of the patrician body into a plebeian
family, for the law allowed this; but if he had been a bad magistrate,
like others, it was fitting to call to account the man who had done
wrong, and not to annul the office which had been wronged also. In
consequence of this, Cicero was angry with Cato, and for a long time
ceased all friendly intercourse with him: however, they were
afterwards reconciled.

XLI. After this Pompeius and Crassus[721] had a meeting with Cæsar,
who had come across the Alps, in which they agreed that they should
seek a second consulship; and when they were established in it, they
should cause another period in Cæsar's government as long as the first
to be given him by the vote of the people, and to themselves the chief
of the provinces and money and military forces: the which was a
conspiracy for the division of the supreme power and the destruction
of the constitution. Now though many honest men were at this time
preparing to be candidates for the consulship, they were deterred by
seeing Pompeius and Crassus canvassing; but Lucius Domitius alone, the
husband of Porcia, the sister of Cato, was induced by Cato not to give
way or to yield, as the contest was not for office but for the liberty
of Rome. And indeed it was currently said among that part of the
citizens who were still of sober thoughts, that they ought not to
allow the consular office to become completely overbearing and
oppressive by permitting the power of Crassus and Pompeius to be
combined, but that they should deprive one of them of the office. And
they ranged themselves on the side of Domitius, urging and encouraging
him to keep to his purpose; for many, they argued, even of those who
said nothing by reason of fear, would help him with their votes. The
party of Pompeius and Crassus fearing this, laid an ambuscade for
Domitius as he was going down to the Campus Martius early in the
morning, by torch-light. First of all the man who was lighting
Domitius and standing close by him was struck and fell down dead; and
after him others also being wounded, there was a general flight of all
except Cato and Domitius; for Cato held Domitius though he himself was
wounded in the arm, and urged him to stay and so long as there was
breath in them, not to give up the struggle for liberty against the
tyrants who showed how they would use their power, by making their
way to it through such acts of wrong.

XLII. Domitius, however, did not face the danger, but fled to his
house, upon which Pompeius and Crassus,[722] were elected. Yet Cato
did not give up the contest, but came forward as a candidate for a
prætorship, because he wished to have a strong position in his
struggles with them and not to be himself a private man while he was
opposing those who were in office. Pompeius and Crassus being afraid
of this, and considering that the prætorship by reason of Cato would
become a match for the consulship, in the first place on a sudden and
without the knowledge of many of the body, summoned the Senate, and
got a vote passed that those who were elected prætors should enter on
office forthwith and should not let the time fixed by law intervene,
during which time prosecutions were allowed of those who had bribed
the people. In the next place, now that they had by the vote of the
Senate made bribery free from all responsibility, they brought forward
their own tools and friends as candidates for the prætorship,
themselves giving the bribe-money, and themselves standing by while
the voting was going on. But when the merit and good name of Cato were
getting the superiority even over all this, the many for very shame
considering it a great crime by their votes to sell Cato, whom it were
even honourable to purchase for the state as prætor, and the tribe
which was first called voted for him, Pompeius all at once, falsely
saying he had heard thunder, dissolved the assembly, for it was the
custom of the Romans to view such tokens as inauspicious, and not to
ratify anything when there had been signs from heaven. Thereafter, by
employing excessive bribery and driving all the honest folks from the
Campus they brought about by violence that Vatinius should be elected
prætor instead of Cato. Upon this it is said that those who had given
their votes thus illegally and dishonestly, forthwith skulked away;
and a certain tribune forming on the spot a meeting of those who were
assembling together and expressing their dissatisfaction, Cato came
before them, and as if inspired by the gods, foretold everything that
would happen to the state, and urged the citizens to oppose Pompeius
and Crassus as being privy to such measures and engaging in a course
of policy, on account of which they feared Cato lest, if he were
prætor, he should get the advantage over them. And finally as he went
home, he was attended by such a crowd as not even all the prætors
together, who were elected, had to accompany them.

XLIII. When Caius Trebonius[723] drew up a law for the division of the
provinces between the consuls, to the effect that one of them should
have the government of Iberia and Libya, and the other Syria and
Egypt, to attack and carry on war against whom they pleased with naval
and military forces, the rest despairing of all opposition and
hindrance even desisted from speaking against the measure, and when
Cato got up on the Rostra before the question was put to the vote, and
expressed a wish to speak, he with difficulty obtained leave to speak
for two hours.[724] After Cato had occupied this time with much
speaking, and alleging of arguments and prophetic warnings, they would
not let him speak longer, but an officer went up and pulled him down
while he was still keeping his place on the Rostra. But inasmuch as he
continued to cry out from the place where he was standing below, and
had persons to listen to him and join in his dissatisfaction, the
officer again laid hold of him and taking him away, put him out of the
Forum. But scarcely was he let loose when he returned and made his way
to the Rostra with loud shouts, urging the citizens to aid him. This
being repeated several times, Trebonius in a passion ordered him to be
led to prison, and the crowd followed listening to him talking as he
went along, so that Trebonius was afraid and let him go. In this
manner Cato took up all that day: but on the following days by
terrifying some of the citizens and gaining over others by favours and
by bribes, and with armed men preventing Aquilius[725] one of the
tribunes from coming out of the senate house, and by ejecting from the
Forum Cato himself, who called out that there had been thunder, and by
wounding no small number, and even killing some, they forcibly carried
the law, in consequence of which many persons in passion crowded
together and pelted the statues of Pompeius. Cato, however, who came
up to them stopped this; and further, when a law was proposed
respecting the provinces and armies of Cæsar, Cato no longer addressed
himself to the people, but turning to Pompeius himself he adjured and
forewarned him, that he did not see that he was now taking up Cæsar on
his shoulders, but that when he began to feel the weight of his burden
and to be mastered by it, having neither power to rid himself of it
nor strength to bear it, he would fall with it upon the state, and
then he would remember Cato's advice and see that it concerned no less
the interests of Pompeius than honour and justice. Though Pompeius
heard this often, he cared not for it and let it pass, not believing
there would be any change in Cæsar, because he trusted in his own good
fortune and power.

XLIV. For the following year Cato was chosen prætor,[726] but he was
considered not to add so much dignity and honour to the office by his
good administration, as to detract from it and bring it into disrepute
by often going to the Rostra without his shoes and his tunic, and in
this attire presiding at trials of men of rank in matters of life and
death. Some also say that even after dinner, when he had drunk wine,
he would transact business; but this at least is untruly said. The
people being now corrupted by the bribery of those who were ambitious
of office, and the majority being accustomed to receive money for
their votes as if in the way of a regular trade, Cato wishing to
eradicate completely this disease in the state, persuaded the Senate
to make a decree, that if those who were elected magistrates should
have none ready to accuse them, they should themselves be compelled to
come forward before a sworn court and give an account of their
election. The candidates for magistracies were vexed at this, and
still more vexed were the mass who received the bribe-money.
Accordingly in the morning when Cato had gone to the tribunal, the
people in a body pressing upon him, cried out, abused him, and pelted
him so that every person fled from the tribunal, and Cato himself
being shoved from his place by the crowd and carried along with it,
with difficulty laid hold of the Rostra. Thereupon getting up, by the
boldness and firmness of his demeanour, Cato forthwith mastered the
tumult, and stopped the shouting, and after saying what was suitable
to the occasion and being listened to with perfect quiet, he put an
end to the disturbance. When the Senate were bestowing praise upon
him, he said, "But I cannot praise you, who left a prætor in danger
and did not come to his help." But of the candidates for magistracies
every man felt himself in a difficult position, being afraid to give
bribes himself, and being afraid that he should lose the office if
another did it. Accordingly it was agreed among them that they should
come together to one place, and each lay down one hundred and
twenty-five thousand drachmæ of silver, and all should then seek the
office in a right and just way, and that he who broke the terms and
employed bribery, should lose his money. Having agreed to these terms
they chose Cato as depositary and umpire and witness, and bringing the
money, they offered to place it with him; and they had the terms of
the agreement drawn up before him, but Cato took sureties instead of
the money, and would not receive the money itself. When the day for
the election came, Cato taking his place by the presiding tribune and
watching the vote, discovered that one of those who had entered into
the engagement, was playing foul, and he ordered him to pay the money
to the rest. But they, commending his uprightness and admiring it,
waived the penalty, considering that they had sufficient satisfaction
from the wrong-doer; but Cato offended all the rest and got very great
odium from this, it being as if he assumed to himself the power of the
Senate and of the courts of justice and of the magistrates. For the
opinion and the credit of no one virtue makes people more envious than
that of justice,[727] because both æpower and credit among the many
follow it chiefly. For people do not merely honour the just, as they
do the brave, nor do they admire them, as they do the wise, but they
even love the just, and have confidence in them and give them credit.
But as to the brave and wise, they fear the one, and give no credit to
the other; and besides this, they think that the brave and the wise
excel by nature rather than by their own will; and with respect to
courage and wisdom, they consider the one to be a certain sharpness,
and the other a firmness of soul; but inasmuch as any man who chooses,
has it in his power to be just, they have most abhorrence of injustice
as badness that is without excuse.

XLV. Wherefore all the great were enemies of Cato, as being reproved
by his conduct: and as Pompeius viewed Cato's reputation even as a
nullification of his own power, he was continually setting persons on
to abuse him, among whom Clodius also was one, the demagogue, who had
again insensibly attached himself to Pompeius, and was crying out
against Cato on the ground that he had appropriated to his own
purposes much money in Cyprus, and was hostile to Pompeius because
Pompeius had rejected a marriage with Cato's daughter. Cato replied
that he had brought to the city from Cyprus, without the aid of a
single horse or soldier, more money than Pompeius had brought back
from so many wars and triumphs after disturbing the habitable world,
and that he never chose Pompeius to make a marriage alliance with, not
because he considered Pompeius unworthy, but because he saw the
difference between his polity and that of Pompeius. "For my part,"
continued Cato, "I declined a province when it was offered to me after
my prætorship, but Pompeius has got some provinces, and he also offers
some to others; and now, last of all, he has lent to Cæsar a force of
six thousand legionary soldiers for Gaul, which neither did Cæsar ask
of you, nor did Pompeius give with your assent; but forces to such an
amount and arms and horses are gifts from private persons and things
of mutual exchange. And being called Imperator and governor he has
given up to others the armies and the provinces, and he himself sits
down close to the city raising commotions at the elections and
contriving disturbances, from which it is manifest that he is
intriguing to get by means of anarchy a monarchy for himself."

XLVI. In this fashion Cato defended himself against Pompeius. But
Marcus Favonius, an intimate friend and admirer of Cato, just as
Apollodorus[728] of Phalerum is said to have been of Socrates of old,
being a passionate man and one who was violently moved by his
principles, did not with any temper or moderation, but intemperately
attack Pompeius, like a man under the influence of drink and somewhat
mad. Favonius was a candidate for the ædileship and was losing his
election, when Cato, who was present, observed that the voting tablets
were written in one hand, and so proved the knavery, and by appealing
to the tribunes stopped the return. Afterwards when Favonius was made
ædile, Cato both administered the other duties of the ædileship, and
superintended the exhibitions in the theatre, giving to the actors not
crowns of gold, but as is the fashion of Olympia, crowns of wild
olive, and instead of costly presents, giving to the Greeks, turnips
and lettuces and radishes and parsley;[729] and to the Romans, earthen
jars of wine, and hogs' flesh, and figs and gourds, and bundles of
wood, at the thrift of which gifts some laughed, but others treated
the matter in a respectful way, seeing the austere and serious
countenance of Cato imperceptibly assuming a pleasant expression.
Finally, Favonius, mingling with, the crowd and sitting among the
spectators, applauded Cato, and called out to him to give to those who
were distinguishing themselves, and to honour them, and he urged the
spectators to the same effect, inasmuch as he had surrendered all his
authority to Cato. Now in the other theatre, Curio, the colleague of
Favonius, was conducting the celebration in splendid style, but still
the people left him to go to the other place, and they readily joined
in the amusement of Favonius playing a private part and Cato the part
of the superintendent of the exhibitions. And Cato did this to
disparage the thing and to show that when a man is in sport he should
use sportive ways, and accompany it with unpretending kindness rather
than with much preparation and great cost, bestowing great care and
trouble on things of no value.

XLVII. Now when Scipio and Hypsæus and Milo[730] were candidates for
the consulship, and were employing not merely those wrongful ways that
were now familiar and had become usual in matters political, the
giving of gifts and bribery, but were plainly pushing on through arms
and slaughter to civil war, in their daring and madness, and some
persons were urging Pompeius to preside over the comitia, Cato at
first opposed this and said, that the laws should not owe their
maintenance to Pompeius, but that Pompeius should owe his security to
the laws. However, when there had been an anarchy for some time, and
three armies were occupying the Forum daily, and the mischief had well
nigh become past checking, he determined in favour of putting affairs
in the hands of Pompeius before the extreme necessity arrived, by the
voluntary favour of the Senate, and by employing the most moderate of
unconstitutional means as a healing measure for the settlement of what
was most important, to bring on the monarchy rather than to let the
civil dissensions result in a monarchy. Accordingly Bibulus, who was
a friend of Cato, proposed that they ought to elect Pompeius sole
consul, for that either matters would be put into a good condition by
his settlement of them, or that the state would be enslaved by the
best man in it. Cato rose and spoke in favour of the proposal, which
nobody could have expected, and recommended any government as better
than no government; and he added, that he expected that Pompeius would
manage present affairs best, and would protect the state with which he
was intrusted.

XLVIII. Pompeius[731] being thus declared consul prayed Cato to come
to him to the suburbs: and on his arrival Pompeius received him in a
friendly manner with salutations and pressing of hands, and after
acknowledging his obligations he entreated Cato to be his adviser and
his assessor in the consulship. But Cato replied, that neither had he
said what he first said out of evil disposition towards Pompeius, nor
had he said what he last said in order to win his favour, but
everything for the interest of the state; accordingly he observed that
he would give Pompeius his advice when he was privately invited, but
that in public, even if he should not be invited, he would certainly
say what he thought. And he did as he said. In the first place, when
Pompeius was proposing laws with new penalties and severe proceedings
against those who had already bribed the people, Cato advised him not
to care about the past, but to attend to the future, for he said, it
was not easy to determine at what point the inquiry into past offences
should stop, and if penalties be imposed after the offences, those
would be hardly dealt with who were punished by a law which they were
not breaking at the time of their wrong-doing. In the next place, when
many men of rank were under trial, some of whom were friends and
relations of Pompeius, Cato observing that Pompeius was giving way to
the greater part of them and yielding, rebuked him firmly and roused
him up. Though Pompeius himself had caused a law to be passed which
did not allow the panegyrics which used to be pronounced on those who
were under trial, he wrote a panegyric on Munatius Plancus[732] on
the occasion of his trial and handed it in, but Cato by stopping his
ears with his hands, for he happened to be one of the judices,
prevented the testimonial from being read. Plancus challenged Cato as
one of the judices after the speeches, but nevertheless he was
convicted. And altogether Cato was a kind of thing difficult and
unmanageable for persons accused, as they were neither willing to have
him to be a judex, nor could they venture to challenge him. For not a
few were convicted because, by being unwilling to have Cato for one of
their judices, they were considered to show that they had no
confidence in the justice of their cause; and their revilers even
charged it upon some as matter of great reproach that they would not
have Cato as one of their judices when he was proposed.

XLIX. Now when Cæsar, though he kept close to his armies in Gaul and
stuck to arms, was still employing gifts and money and friends to
secure his power in the city, Cato's admonitions roused Pompeius from
his former long continued state of incredulity, and he began to be
afraid of the danger; but as he was somewhat hesitating and
spiritlessly procrastinating all attempts at prevention, Cato resolved
to be a candidate for the consulship with the view of either forthwith
wresting Cæsar's arms from him or demonstrating his designs. But the
rival candidates were both popular men: and Sulpicius[733] had already
derived much advantage from Cato's reputation in the state and his
influence. He therefore seemed to be doing what was neither just nor
grateful, but yet Cato found no fault with him. "What is it strange,"
said he, "if a man does not give up to another the thing which he
thinks to be the greatest of goods?" But Cato by persuading the Senate
to pass a Consultum that those who were candidates for the office
should canvass the people themselves, and should not solicit through
any other person, not even by such person going about to see the
citizens on their behalf, still more irritated the citizens, in that
by depriving them not only of the opportunity of receiving money, but
even of conferring a favour, he rendered the people at once poor and
dishonoured. In addition to this, as Cato had neither any persuasive
manners in canvassing for himself, but wished to maintain the dignity
of his life in his character rather than to add to it that of the
consulship by shaking hands with the electors, and as he would not
allow his friends to do the things by which the mass are taken and
gained over, he lost the office.

L. Though the matter caused not only to those who failed, but to their
friends and kin a certain degree of shame and depression and sorrow
for many days, Cato bore what had happened with so little concern,
that after anointing himself in the Campus he exercised at ball, and
again after dinner, according to his wont, he went down into the Forum
without his shoes and tunic, and walked about with his intimates. But
Cicero blames him, that when the times required such a magistrate, he
used no exertion nor tried to gain the favour of the people by
friendly intercourse with them, but for the future ceased to make any
effort and gave up the contest, though he was again a candidate for
the prætorship. Cato, however, said, that he lost the prætorship not
by the real will of the majority, but because they were forced or
corrupted; whereas in the voting for the consulship, in which there
was no foul play, he further perceived that he had displeased the
people by his manners, which it was not the part of a man of sense to
change in order to please others, nor, if he still kept to the like
manners, to subject himself to the like treatment.

LI. When Cæsar had attacked warlike nations and had conquered them
with great hazard, and when it was the opinion that he had fallen upon
the Germans even after a truce had been made, and had destroyed three
hundred thousand[734] of them, the rest indeed were promising to the
people to offer sacrifices for the victory, but Cato urged that they
should give up Cæsar to those who had been wronged, and should not
turn the guilt upon themselves nor allow it to fall on the state.
"However," said he, "let us still sacrifice to the gods, that they do
not turn their vengeance for the madness and desperation of the
commander upon the soldiers, and that they spare the city." Upon this
Cæsar wrote and sent a letter to the Senate; and when the letter had
been read, which contained much abuse of Cato and many charges against
him, Cato got up, and not under the influence of passion or personal
animosity, but as if it were on good consideration and due
preparation, showed that the charges against him were in the nature of
abuse and insult, and were pure trifling and mockery on Cæsar's part.
Then taking hold of all Cæsar's measures from the first, and unveiling
all his plans, not as if he were an enemy, but a fellow conspirator
and participator, he proved to them that they had no reason to fear
the sons of the Britons nor yet the Celts, but Cæsar himself, if they
were prudent; and he so worked on and excited them that the friends of
Cæsar repented of having read the letter in the Senate, and so given
Cato an opportunity of making a fair statement and true charges.
Nothing, however, was done, but it was merely said that it would be
well for a successor to Cæsar to be appointed. But when Cæsar's
friends required that Pompeius also should lay down his arms and give
up his provinces, or that Cæsar should not, Cato cried out, that now
what he foretold them had come to pass, and that the man was having
recourse to force and was openly employing the power which he had got
by deceiving and gulling the state; yet Cato could do nothing out of
doors, because the people all along wished Cæsar to have the chief
power, and he found the Senate ready to assent to his measures, but
afraid of the people.

LII. But when Ariminum[735] was captured, and news came that Cæsar
with his army was advancing against the city, then indeed all men
turned their eyes on Cato, both the people and Pompeius, as the only
man who from the first had foreseen and who had first clearly shown
the designs of Cæsar. Accordingly Cato said, "Men, if any among you
had listened to what I had all along been foretelling and advising,
you would neither have to fear a single man now, nor would you have to
rest all your hopes on a single man." Upon Pompeius saying that Cato
had indeed spoken more like a prophet, but that he had acted more like
a friend, Cato advised the Senate to place affairs in the hands of
Pompeius alone, for it was the business of those who caused great
evils to put an end to them. Now as Pompeius had not a force in
readiness, and he saw that the troops which he was then levying had no
zeal, he left Rome. Cato having determined to follow Pompeius in his
flight, sent his younger son into the country of the Bruttii[736] to
Munatius for safe keeping, but the elder he took with him. And as his
household and daughters required some one to look after them, he took
again Marcia, who was now a widow with a large estate, for Hortensius
at his death had made her his heir. It was with reference to this that
Cæsar[737] vented most abuse on Cato, and charged him with
covetousness and making a traffic of his marriage; for why should he
give up his wife, said Cæsar, if he still wanted one, or why should he
take her back, if he did not want one? if it was not that from the
first[738] the woman was put as a bait in the way of Hortensius, and
Cato gave her up when she was young that he might have her back when
she was rich. Now, in reply to these charges, this from Euripides
suffices:--

    "First then what can't be said, for of this kind
    I deem thy so call'd cowardice, O Hercules."

For to accuse Cato of filthy lucre is like upbraiding Hercules with
cowardice. But whether the matter of the marriage was not well in
other respects is a thing for inquiry. However, Cato did espouse
Marcia, and intrusting to her his family and daughters, hurried after
Pompeius.

LIII. From that day it is said that Cato never cut the hair of his
head or beard, nor put on a chaplet, but maintained till his death the
same outward signs of sorrow and depression of spirits and grief over
the misfortunes of his country, just the same when his party was
victorious and when it was vanquished. At that time having got by lot
Sicily as his province, he crossed over to Syracuse, and on hearing
that Asinius Pollio[739] had arrived from the enemy with a large force
at Messene, he sent to him to demand the reason of his coming. But
Cato in turn being asked for the reason of the change in affairs, and
having heard that Pompeius had completely deserted Italy and was
encamped in Dyrrachium, he said that there was great perplexity and
uncertainty in matters appertaining to the gods. Pompeius, who had
always been invincible while he was doing what was not honest or just,
now when he wished to save his country and fight in defence of
liberty, was deserted by his good fortune. As to Asinius, he said that
he was able to drive him out of Sicily, but as another greater force
was coming against him, he did not choose to ruin the island by a war;
and after advising the Syracusans to join the victorious party and to
take care of themselves, he sailed away. When he came to Pompeius, he
kept steadily to one opinion, to prolong the war, for he expected
some terms of reconciliation and did not wish that the state should be
worsted in a battle and suffer from itself the extreme of sufferings
by having its fate determined by the sword. And he persuaded Pompeius
and his council to other determinations akin to these, neither to
plunder any city that was subject to the Romans, nor to put to death
any Roman except on the field of battle; and he gained good opinion
and brought over many to the side of Pompeius, who were pleased with
his moderation and mildness.

LIV. Being sent to Asia to help those there who were collecting
vessels and an army, he took with him his sister Servilia and her
young child by Lucullus. For Servilia, who was now a widow, followed
Cato, and she removed much of the evil report about her licentious
conduct by voluntarily subjecting herself to the guardianship of Cato
and his wanderings and mode of life. But Cæsar[740] did not spare his
abuse of Cato even with respect to Servilia. However as it seems the
generals of Pompeius did not want the assistance of Cato at all; and
after persuading the Rhodians to join the side of Pompeius and leaving
Servilia and the child there, he returned to Pompeius, who had already
a splendid military force and a naval power with him. Here indeed
Pompeius appeared most clearly to show his mind; for at first he
intended to give to Cato the command of the ships, and the fighting
vessels were not fewer than five hundred, and the Liburnian and spy
ships and open boats were very numerous: but having soon perceived, or
it having been hinted to him by his friends, that it was the one chief
thing in all the policy of Cato to liberate his country, and that if
he should have the command of so great a force, the very day on which
they should defeat Cæsar, Cato would require Pompeius also to lay down
his arms and to follow the laws, he changed his mind though he had
already spoken with him, and he appointed Bibulus commander of the
ships. Yet he found not Cato's zeal dulled by this; for it is told
that when Pompeius was urging his troops to a battle before Dyrrachium
and bidding each of the commanders say something and to encourage the
men, the soldiers heard them with listlessness and silence; but when
Cato, after the rest, had gone through all the topics derived from
philosophy that were suitable to the occasion to be said about liberty
and virtue, and death and good fame, with great emotion on his part,
and finally addressed himself to invoke the gods as being there
present and watching over the struggle on behalf of their country,
there was so loud an acclamation and so great a movement in the whole
army thus excited, that all the commanders hastened to the contest
full of hopes. The soldiers of Pompeius routed and defeated the enemy,
but the dæmon of Cæsar prevented the completion of the victory by
taking advantage of the caution of Pompeius and his want of confidence
in his success. Now this is told in the Life of Pompeius.[741] But
while all were rejoicing and magnifying the victory, Cato wept for his
country and bewailed the love of power that brought destruction and
misfortune with it, when he saw that many brave citizens had fallen by
the hands of one another.

LV. When Pompeius in order to pursue Cæsar broke up his camp to march
into Thessaly, he left at Dyrrachium a great quantity of arms and
stores, and many kinsmen and friends, and he appointed Cato commander
and guardian over all with fifteen cohorts, both because he trusted
and feared the man. For if he were defeated, he considered that Cato
would be his surest support; but that if he were victorious, Cato
would not, if he were present, let him manage matters as he chose.
Many men of rank also were left behind in Dyrrachium with Cato. When
the defeat at Pharsalus took place, Cato resolved that if Pompeius
were dead, he would take over to Italy those who were with him, and
himself would live an exile as far from the tyranny as possible; but
if Pompeius were alive, that he would by all means keep together the
force for him. Accordingly having crossed over to Cercyra, where the
navy was, he proposed to give up the command to Cicero, who was a
consular, while he was only of prætorian rank; but when Cicero would
not accept the command and set off for Italy, Cato observing that
Pompeius[742] through his stubborn self-will and unreasonable temper
was desirous of punishing those who were sailing away, privately
admonished and pacified him, by which Cato manifestly saved Cicero
from death and secured the safety of the rest.

LVI. Conjecturing that Pompeius Magnus would make his escape to Egypt
or to Libya, and being in haste to join him, Cato with all whom he had
about him weighed anchor and set sail after permitting all those to go
away or stay behind who were not ready to accompany him. He reached
Libya, and coasting along he fell in with Sextus,[743] the younger son
of Pompeius, who reported to him his father's death in Egypt. Now they
were all much troubled, and no one after the death of Pompeius would
obey any other commander while Cato was present. Wherefore Cato, out
of respect to those who were with him, and because he had not heart to
desert and leave in difficulties the brave men who had given proof of
their fidelity, undertook the command and went along the coast till he
came to Cyrene; for the people received him though a few days before
they had shut out Labienus. Upon hearing that Scipio, the
father-in-law of Pompeius, had been well received by King Juba, and
that Varus Attius, who had been appointed governor of Libya by
Pompeius, was with them with a force, he set out by land in the winter
season, having got together a number of asses to carry water, and
driving along with him a quantity of cattle, and also taking chariots
and the people called Psylli,[744] who cure the bites of serpents by
sucking out the poison with their mouths, and deaden and soothe the
serpents themselves by charming them with music. Though the march was
seven days in succession, Cato led at the head of his men without
using horse or beast of burden. And he continued to sup in a sitting
posture from the day that he heard of the defeat at Pharsalus, and he
added this further sign of his sorrow, never to lie down except when
he was sleeping. Having spent the winter in Libya[745] he led forth
his army; and the men were near ten thousand.

LVII. Matters were in bad plight between Scipio and Varus, for in
consequence of their disagreement and disunion they were secretly
trying to win the favour of Juba,[746] who was intolerable for the
arrogance of his temper and his haughtiness by reason of his wealth
and power. When he was going to have his first interview with Cato,
Juba placed his seat between the seats of Scipio and Cato. However,
when Cato observed it, he took up his seat and moved it to the other
side so as to leave Scipio in the middle, though Scipio was his enemy,
and had published a certain writing which contained abuse of Cato.
This, indeed, people make no account of; but they blame Cato that in
Sicily he placed Philostratus[747] in the middle, as he was walking
about with him, to do honour to philosophy. On this occasion, however,
he checked Juba, who had all but made Scipio and Varus his satraps,
and he reconciled them. Though all invited Cato to the command, and
Scipio and Varus were the first to surrender and give it up to him, he
said that he would not break the laws in defence of which they were
fighting against him who broke them, nor would he place himself, who
was a proprætor, before a proconsul who was present. For Scipio had
been appointed proconsul, and the majority, on account of the name,
had confidence that they should be successful, if a Scipio commanded
in Libya.

LVIII. However when Scipio[748] immediately on receiving the command,
wished to please Juba by putting to death all the people of Utica who
were capable of bearing arms, and to dig down the city, because it
favoured Cæsar, Cato would not endure this, but with adjurations and
loud cries in the council and by appealing to the gods he with
difficulty rescued the people from their cruelty; and partly at the
request of the citizens of Utica[749] and partly at the instance of
Scipio, he undertook to keep guard in the city, that it should not
either involuntarily or voluntarily join Cæsar. For the place was in
all respects advantageous, and defensible by those who held it; and it
was strengthened still more by Cato. For he brought abundance of corn
into the city, and he strengthened the walls by raising towers, and
making strong ditches and palisado-work in front of the city. To the
people of Utica who were able to bear arms he assigned the
palisado-work as their quarter, and made them give up their arms to
him; but he kept the rest in the city, and took great care that they
should not be wronged and should suffer no harm from the Romans. He
also sent out a great quantity of arms, supplies and grain to those
in camp, and altogether he made the city the storehouse for the war.
But the advice which he gave Pompeius before, and gave Scipio then,
not to fight with a man of a warlike turn and great ability, but to
take advantage of time which wastes all the vigour wherein the
strength of tyranny lies, Scipio through self-will despised; and on
one occasion he wrote to Cato upbraiding him with cowardice, in that
he was not content to sit down within a city and walls, but would not
even let others boldly use their own judgment as opportunity offered.
To this Cato replied, that he was ready to take the legionary soldiers
and horsemen whom he had brought into Libya, and carry them over to
Italy, and so make Cæsar change his place and to turn him from them to
himself. And when Scipio mocked at this also, it was clear that Cato
was much annoyed that he had declined the command, for he saw that
Scipio would neither conduct the war well, nor, if he should succeed
contrary to expectation, would he behave with moderation to the
citizens in his victory. Accordingly Cato formed the opinion and
mentioned it to some of his friends, that he had no good hopes of the
war on account of the inexperience and confidence of the commanders,
but if there should be any good fortune, and Cæsar should be worsted,
he would not stay in Rome, and would fly from the harshness and
cruelty of Scipio, who was even then uttering dreadful and extravagant
threats against many. But it turned out worse than he expected; and
late in the evening there arrived a messenger from the camp who had
been three days on the road, with the news that a great battle had
been fought at Thapsus[750] in which their affairs were entirely
ruined, that Cæsar was in possession of the camps, Scipio and Juba had
escaped with a few men, and the rest of the army was destroyed.

LIX. On the arrival of this intelligence, the city, as was natural on
the receipt of such news by night and in time of war, nearly lost its
reason, and hardly contained itself within the walls; but Cato coming
forward, whenever he met with any one running about and calling out,
laid hold of him, and cheering him took away the excessive fright and
confusion of his alarm, by saying that matters perchance were not so
bad as they had been reported, but were magnified by rumour; and so he
stayed the tumult. At daybreak he made proclamation that the three
hundred, whom he had as a Senate, and these were Romans, and were
carrying on business in Libya as merchants and money-lenders, should
assemble at the temple of Jupiter, and also all the Roman senators who
were present and their sons. While they were still assembling, Cato
advanced, without hurry and with a tranquil countenance, as if nothing
new had happened, holding a book in his hand, which he was reading;
and this was a register of the military engines, arms, corn, bows, and
legionary soldiers. When they had come together, beginning with the
three hundred, and commending at some length the zeal and fidelity
which they had displayed in aiding with their means and persons and
advice, he exhorted them not to let their hopes be destroyed, and not
severally to provide for their flight or escape. For, he said, that if
they would keep together, Cæsar would despise them less if they made
resistance, and would spare them more if they asked his mercy. And he
urged them to deliberate about themselves, and that he would not find
fault with their deciding either way, and if they should be disposed
to turn to the fortunate side, he should attribute the change to
necessity; but if they preferred to oppose the danger and to undertake
the hazard in defence of liberty, he should not only commend them, but
admire their virtue, and make himself their commander and
fellow-combatant, till they had tried the last fortune of their
country, which was not Utica or Adrumetum only, but Rome, that had
often by her might recovered from greater falls. And they had many
grounds for safety and security; and chief of all, that they were
warring against a man who was pulled in many directions by the
circumstances of the times, for Iberia had gone over to Pompeius the
young, and Rome herself had not yet altogether received the bit for
want of being used to it, but was impatient of suffering and ready to
rise up collected upon every change, and danger was not a thing to
fly from, but they should take as a pattern the enemy, who was not
sparing of his life for accomplishing the greatest wrongs, and for
whom the uncertainty of the war had not the same result as for them,
to whom it would bring the happiest life, if they were successful, and
the most glorious death if they failed. However, he said they ought to
deliberate by themselves, and he joined them in praying that in
consideration of their former virtue and zeal what they resolved might
be for the best.

LX. When Cato had spoken to this effect, some of them indeed were
brought to confidence by his words; but the greater part seeing his
fearlessness and noble and generous temper, nearly forgot present
circumstances, and considering him alone as an invincible leader and
superior to all fortune, prayed him to use their persons and property
and arms as he judged best, for they said it was better to die in
obedience to him than to save their lives by betraying such virtue. On
a certain person observing that they should declare freedom to the
slaves, and most of them assenting to this, Cato said he would not do
so, for it was not lawful nor yet right; but if the masters were ready
to give up their slaves, they should receive those who were of
military age. Many offers were made, and Cato, after telling them to
enrol every man who was willing, retired. Shortly after there came to
him letters from Juba and Scipio; from Juba, who was hid in a mountain
with a few men, asking him what he had resolved to do; and that if
Cato left Utica he would wait for him, and if he stood a siege he
would come to aid him with an army; from Scipio, who was in a vessel
off a certain point not far from Utica, and waiting with the same
views.

LXI. Accordingly Cato determined to detain the letter-carriers till he
had confirmed the resolution of the three hundred. For the senators
were zealous, and immediately manumitted their slaves, and set about
arming them. But with respect to the three hundred, inasmuch as they
were men engaged in maritime affairs and money lending, and had the
chief part of their substance in slaves, the words of Cato stood no
long time in them, but oozed out, just as bodies which have a great
degree of rarity easily receive heat and again part with it, being
cooled when the fire is removed; in like manner Cato, while they saw
him, fanned the flame and warmed those men; but when they began to
reflect by themselves, the fear of Cæsar drove out of them all regard
to Cato and to honour. "Who are we," said they, "and who is the man
whose commands we are refusing to obey? Is not this Cæsar, to whom the
whole power of the Romans has been transferred? and not one of us is a
Scipio, nor a Pompeius, nor a Cato. But at a time when all men by
reason of fear are humbled in mind more than is fitting, at such a
time shall we fight in defence of the liberty of the Romans, and
contend in Utica against a man before whom Cato with Pompeius Magnus
fled and gave up Italy; and shall we manumit our slaves to oppose
Cæsar, we who have only as much freedom as he shall choose to give?
No, even yet, miserable wretches, let us know our own weakness, and
deprecate the conqueror, and send persons to supplicate him." This was
what the most moderate among the three hundred recommended; but the
majority were forming a design on the senatorial class, with the hope
that, if they seized them, they would pacify Cæsar's rage against
themselves.

LXII. Though Cato suspected the change, he took no notice of it.
However he wrote to Scipio and Juba to tell them to keep away from
Utica, because he distrusted the three hundred, and he sent off the
letter-carriers. But the horsemen who had escaped from the battle, no
contemptible number, riding up to Utica, sent to Cato three men, who
did not bring the same message from all; for one party was bent on
going to Juba, another wished to join Cato, and a third was afraid of
entering Utica. Cato on hearing this ordered Marcus Rubrius to observe
the three hundred and quietly to receive the registrations of those
who manumitted their slaves without forcing any one; and himself
taking the senatorial men went out of Utica, and meeting with the
commanders of the cavalry he besought them not to betray so many Roman
senators, nor to choose Juba for their commander in place of Cato but
to secure their own safety and that of the rest by coming into a city
which could not be taken by storm, and contained both corn and other
resources for many years. The senatorial men joined in this prayer and
wept; and the commanders conferred with the cavalry, while Cato sat
down on a mound with the senatorial men and waited for the answer.

LXIII. In the meantime Rubrius came in a passion, charging the three
hundred with great disorder and tumult, inasmuch, as they were falling
off and disturbing the city. On which the rest, altogether despairing,
fell to weeping and lamentation, but Cato attempted to cheer them, and
sent to the three hundred and bade them wait. But the representatives
on the part of the horsemen came with no reasonable requisitions: for
they said that they neither wanted Juba for their pay-master, nor were
they afraid of Cæsar if they had Cato to command them, but it was a
dangerous thing to shut themselves up with the citizens of Utica, who
were Phœnicians and an inconstant people; and if they should keep
quiet now, they would set upon them and betray them, when Cæsar came.
If then any man wanted their aid in war and their presence, he must
eject or kill all the people of Utica, and then invite them into a
city free from enemies and barbarians. Cato considered this to be an
excessively savage and barbarous proposal, but he answered mildly and
said that he would consult with the three hundred. When he had
returned into the city he found the men no longer making pretexts or
evasions out of respect to him, but openly complaining that any one
should force them to fight with Cæsar when they were neither able nor
willing. Some even whispered with respect to the senatorial men, that
they ought to keep them in the city, since Cæsar was near. Cato let
this pass as if he did not hear it, and indeed he was somewhat deaf;
but when one came up to him and reported that the horsemen were going
away, Cato, fearing that the three hundred might do something
desperate to the senatorial men, got up with his friends and set out
walking; but observing that they had already advanced some distance,
he seized a horse and rode to them. The horsemen were glad to see him
approach, and received him and urged him to save himself with them.
Then it is said that Cato even shed tears, beseeching on behalf of the
senatorial men and holding forth his hands, and turning back the
horses of some and laying hold of their arms, until he prevailed on
them to abide there for that day at least, and secure the senatorial
men in their flight.

LXIV. When Cato arrived with the horsemen, and had posted some at the
gates, and had delivered the citadel to others to watch, the three
hundred, who were afraid that they should be punished for their
change, sent to Cato and prayed him by all means to come to them. But
the senatorial men crowding round him would not let him go, and they
declared that they would not give up their guardian and saviour to
faithless men and traitors. For a most lively perception, as it
appears, and affection and admiration of Cato's virtue had been
implanted in all alike who were in Utica, inasmuch as nothing spurious
or deceitful was mingled with what he did. And as the man had long
resolved to kill himself, he laboured with prodigious toil, and had
care and pain on behalf of others, in order that after placing all in
safety he might be released from life. For his resolution to die was
no secret, though he said nothing. Accordingly he complied with the
wish of the three hundred after comforting the senatorial men, and he
went alone to the three hundred, who thanked him, and prayed him to
employ them and trust them in everything else, and if they are not
Catos, and not capable of the lofty mind of Cato, he should have pity
on their weakness; and as they had determined to supplicate Cæsar and
to send to him, on Cato's behalf chiefly and for him first of all they
would prefer their prayer; and if they could not prevail on Cæsar,
neither would they receive the grace if it were offered to themselves,
but so long as they breathed would fight for him. In reply to this
Cato commended their good intentions, but said that they ought for
their own safety's sake to send quickly, and not to offer any petition
on his behalf, for entreaty belonged to the vanquished, and
deprecation of vengeance to those who were wrongdoers; that he had not
only been unvanquished all through life, but that he was victorious as
far as he chose to be, and had the superiority over Cæsar in things
honourable and just, and that Cæsar was the party who was captured
and conquered; for what he used to deny that he was doing against his
country long ago, he was now convicted of and detected therein.

LXV. Having thus spoken to the three hundred he went away, and hearing
that Cæsar at the head of all his army was already on his march, "Ha!"
said he, "he considers that he has to deal with men;" and turning to
the senators he urged them not to delay, but to make their escape
while the horsemen were still staying there. He also closed the gates,
except one that led to the sea, where he assigned vessels to those
under his command and preserved order by stopping wrong-doing and
settling disturbances, and supplying with stores those who were ill
provided. And when Marcus Octavius[751] with two legions had encamped
near, and had sent a message to Cato, in which he called on Cato to
come to some terms with him about the command, Cato gave him no
answer, but he said to his friends, "Do we wonder why our affairs are
ruined, when we see that love of power abides among us even when we
are in the midst of ruin?" In the mean time hearing that the horsemen,
as they were leaving the city, were pillaging and plundering the
people of Utica, as if their property was booty, Cato hurried to them
as fast as he could run, and took the plunder from the first that he
met with, and the rest made haste to throw it away or set it down on
the ground, and all of them for very shame retired in silence and with
downcast looks. Cato having called together the people of Utica in the
city, entreated them not to irritate Cæsar against the three hundred,
but to unite altogether to secure their safety. Then again betaking
himself to the sea he inspected the persons who were embarking, and
all his friends and acquaintance whom he could persuade to go away, he
embraced and accompanied to the shore. But he did not recommend his
son to take shipping, nor did he think it his duty to turn him from
his purpose of sticking to his father. There was one Statyllius, in
years a young man, but one who aimed at being resolute in character
and an imitator of the indifference of Cato. This man Cato entreated
to embark, for he was notoriously a hater of Cæsar; and-when he would
not go, Cato looking on Apollonides the Stoic and Demetrius the
Peripatetic said--"It is your business to soften this stubborn man and
to fashion him to his own interests." But Cato himself was busied all
the night and the greatest part of the following day in assisting the
rest in making their escape and helping those who wanted his aid.

LXVI. When Lucius Caæsar,[752] who was a kinsman of Cæsar, and about
to go to him as ambassador on behalf of the three hundred, urged Cato
to help him in devising some plausible speech which he should employ
on behalf of the three hundred, "for on thy behalf," he continued, "it
is becoming for me to touch the hands and to fall down at the knees of
Cæsar," Cato would not allow him to do this, and said, "For my part,
if I wished to save my life by Cæsar's favour, I ought to go to him
myself. But I do not choose to thank a tyrant for his illegal acts;
and he acts illegally in sparing as master those whom he has no right
to lord it over. However, if you please, let us consider how you shall
get pardon for the three hundred." After talking with Lucius on this
matter he presented his son and his friends to him as he was
departing, and after accompanying him some distance and taking leave
of him he returned home, and then calling together his son and his
friends he spoke on many subjects, among which he forbade his son to
meddle in political matters, for, he said, circumstances no longer
allowed him to act as befitted a Cato, and to act otherwise was base.
At evening he went to the bath. While he was bathing, he remembered
Statyllius, and calling out aloud he said, "Apollonides, have you sent
Statyllius away, and brought him down from his stubborn temper, and
has the man gone without even taking leave of us?" "By no means,"
replied Apollonides, "though we said much to him, but he is lofty and
immovable and says he will stay and do whatever you do." On this they
say that Cato smiled and replied, "Well, this will soon be shown."

LXVII. After taking the bath he supped in much company, still sitting
as his fashion had been since the battle, for he never reclined except
when he was sleeping; and there were at supper with him all his
friends and the magistrates of Utica. After supper the drinking went
on with much gaiety and enjoyment, one philosophical subject after
another taking its turn, till at last the enquiry came round to the
so-called paradoxes of the Stoics, that the good man alone is free,
and that all the bad are slaves. Hereupon the Peripatetic making
objections, as one might expect, Cato broke in with great vehemence,
and with a loud tone and harsh voice maintained his discourse at great
length, and displayed wonderful energy, so that no one failed to
observe that he had resolved to end his life and relieve himself from
present troubles. Wherefore as there was silence and depression of
spirits among all the company, after he had done speaking, with the
view of cheering them up and diverting their suspicions, Cato again
begun to put questions and to express anxiety about the state of
affairs, and his fears for those who had sailed away, and also for
those who were going through a waterless and barbarian desert.

LXVIII. At the end of the entertainment he took his usual walk with
his friends after supper, and after giving the officers of the watch
the proper orders, he retired to his chamber, but he first embraced
his son and his friends with more than his usual expression of
kindness, which again made them suspect what was going to happen. On
entering his chamber and lying down he took Plato's dialogue on the
Soul,[753] and when he had gone through the greater part of it, he
looked up over his head, and not seeing his sword hanging there, for
his son had caused it to be taken away while he was at supper, he
called a slave and asked who had taken his sword. The slave made no
answer and Cato was again at the book, but after a short interval, as
if he were in no haste or hurry, and was merely looking for his sword,
he bade the slave bring it. As there was some delay and nobody brought
it, after having read the dialogue through he again called his slaves
one by one, and raising his voice demanded his sword; and striking the
mouth of one of them with his fist he bruised his hand, being in a
great passion and calling out aloud that he was surrendered
defenceless to the enemy by his son and his slaves, till at last his
son ran in weeping with his friends, and embracing him fell to
lamentations and entreaties. But Cato rising up looked sternly and
said, "When and where have I been proved, and without knowing it, to
have lost my reason, that no one instructs me or teaches me in the
matters wherein I am judged to have determined ill, but I am hindered
from using my own reasonings and am deprived of my weapons? Why don't
you put your father in chains also, generous son, and his hands behind
his back, till Cæsar shall come and find me unable even to defend
myself? For I need not a sword to kill myself, when it is in my power
to die by holding my breath for a short time and giving my head a
single blow against the wall."

LXIX. As he said this the youth went out weeping, and all the rest,
except Demetrius and Apollonides, to whom when they were left by
themselves Cato begun to speak in milder terms, and said, "I suppose
you too have resolved by force to keep alive a man of my age and to
sit here in silence and to watch him, or are you come to prove that it
is neither a shocking nor a shameful thing for Cato, when he has no
other way to save his life, to wait for mercy from his enemy? Why then
do you not speak and convince me of this and teach me a new doctrine,
that we may cast away those former opinions and reasons in which we
lived together, and being made wiser through Cæsar owe him the greater
thanks for it? And yet for my part I have come to no resolve about
myself, but it is necessary that when I have resolved I have power to
do what I have determined. And I will deliberate in a manner together
with you, deliberating with the reasons which even you in your
philosophy follow. Go away then in good heart and tell my son not to
force his father when he cannot persuade him."

LXX. Upon this Demetrius and Apollonides without making any reply
retired weeping. The sword was sent in by a child, and when Cato
received it he drew it and looked at it. Seeing that the point was
entire and the edge preserved, he said, "Now I am my own master," and
laying the sword down, he began reading the book again, and he is said
to have read it through twice.[754] He then fell into so sound a sleep
that those who were outside the chamber were aware of it, and about
midnight he called his freedmen Cleanthes the physician and Butas whom
he employed chief of all in public matters. He sent Butas to the sea
to examine if all had set sail and to report to him, and he presented
his hand to the physician to tie it up, as it was inflamed from the
blow which he gave the slave. And this made them all more cheerful,
for they thought that Cato was inclined to live. In a little time
Butas came and reported that all had set sail except Crassus,[755] who
was detained by some business, and that even he was now all but on
board, and that a violent storm and wind prevailed at sea. Cato
hearing this groaned for pity of those who were at sea and he sent
Butas again to the sea, to learn if any one were driven back and
waited any necessaries, and to let him know. And now the birds were
beginning to sing,[756] and he sank asleep again for a while. When
Butas had returned and reported that all was quiet about the ports,
Cato, bidding him close the door, threw himself on the bed as if he
were going to sleep for the rest of the night. When Butas had gone
out, he drew the sword and thrust it beneath his chest, but as he used
his hand with less effect owing to the inflammation, he did not
immediately despatch himself, and having some difficulty in dying he
fell from the bed and made a noise by overturning a little abacus of
the geometrical kind that stood by, which his attendants perceiving
called out and his son and his friends immediately ran in. Seeing him
smeared with blood and the greater part of his bowels protruding,
though he was still alive and his eyes were open, they were all
dreadfully alarmed, and the physician going up to him attempted to
replace his bowels, which remained uninjured, and to sew up the wound.
But when Cato recovered and saw this, he pushed the physician away,
and tearing the bowels with his hands and at the same time rending the
wound he died.[757] LXXI. In a space of time which one would not have
thought enough for all in the house to have heard of the event, there
were present at the door the three hundred, and soon after the people
of Utica were assembled, with one voice calling Cato benefactor and
saviour and the only free man, the only unvanquished. And this they
did though it was told that Cæsar was advancing; but neither fear nor
subserviency towards the conqueror nor their mutual differences and
quarrels dulled them towards doing honour to Cato. They decorated the
body in splendid style, and made a pompous procession and interred him
near the sea, where a statue of him now stands with a sword in his
hand, and then they began to think how they should save themselves and
their city.

LXXII. Cæsar hearing from those who came to him that Cato was staying
in Utica and not flying away, and that he was sending off the rest,
while himself and his companions and his son were fearlessly going
about, thought it difficult to ascertain the intentions of the man,
but as he made most account of him he advanced with his force by quick
marches. When he heard of his death, it is reported that he said this,
"Cato, I grudge thee thy death, for thou hast grudged me thy safety."
For in fact if Cato had submitted to receive his life from Cæsar, he
would not have been considered to have lowered his own fame so much as
to have added to the splendour of Cæsar's. What would have been done
is uncertain, but with respect to Cæsar the milder measures are more
probable.

LXXIII. When Cato died he was fifty[758] years of age save two. His
son[759] received no harm from Cæsar, but he is said to have been fond
of pleasure and not free from blame with regard to women. In
Cappadocia he had as his host Marphadates, one of the royal family,
who possessed a handsome wife, and as Cato stayed longer with them
than was decent, he was satirized in such terms as these:

     "To-morrow Cato goes away, to-morrow thirty days."

And:

     "Porcius and Marphadates, friends are two, but Psyche one."

For the wife of Marphadates was named Psyche (Soul). And again:

     "Of noble blood and splendid fame, Cato has a royal Soul."

But he blotted out and destroyed all such ill report by his death; for
while fighting at Philippi against Cæsar and Antonius in defence of
liberty, and the line was giving way, not deigning either to fly or to
secrete himself, but challenging the enemy and showing himself in
front of them and cheering on those who kept the ground with him he
fell after exhibiting to his adversaries prodigies of valour. And
still more, the daughter of Cato being inferior neither in virtue nor
courage (for she was the wife of Brutus who killed Cæsar) was both
privy to the conspiracy and parted with life in a manner worthy of her
noble birth and merit, as is told in the Life of Brutus. Statyllius,
who said that he would follow Cato's example, was prevented indeed at
the time by the philosophers, though he wished to kill himself, but
afterwards he showed himself most faithful to Brutus and most
serviceable at Philippi, and there he died.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 653: Cato was a cognomen of the Porcia Gens, which was
Plebeian. The name Cato was first given to M. Porcius Cato Censorius,
who was consul B.C. 195 and censor B.C. 184. The father of the Cato
whose life is here written was M. Porcius Cato, a Tribunus Plebis, who
married Livia, a sister of the tribune M. Livius Drusus. This Cato,
the tribune, was the son of M. Porcius Cato Salonianus, who was the
son of Cato the Censor. Cato the Censor was therefore the
great-grandfather of the Cato whose life is here written. See the
_Life of Cato the Censor_ by Plutarch, c. 24. 97. This Cato was born
B.C. 95.]

[Footnote 654: The text of Plutarch says that Livius Drusus was the
uncle of Cato's mother, but this is a mistake, and accordingly
Xylander proposed to read [Greek: theio men onti pros tês mêtros] θείο
μὲν ὄντι πρὸς τῆς μητρός. But Sintenis supposes that Plutarch may have
misunderstood the Roman expression "avunculus maternus." Cato's father
had by his wife Livia a daughter Porcia, who married J. Domitius
Ahenobarbus. Livia's second husband was Q. Servilius Cæpio, by whom
she had a son Q. Servilius Cæpio, whom Plutarch calls Cato's brother,
and two daughters, named Servilia, one of whom married M. Junius
Brutus, the father of the Brutus who was one of Cæsar's assassins, and
the other married L. Licinius Lucullus (Life of Lucullus. c. 38).]

[Footnote 655: The word is [Greek: anamnêstikous] ἀναμνηστικούς. The
meaning of Plutarch is perhaps not quite clear. See the note in
Schaefer's edition.]

[Footnote 656: These were the Roman Socii, or Italian states, which
were in a kind of alliance with and subordination to Rome. They had to
furnish troops for the wars, and to share the burdens of the Roman
State in return for which they claimed the citizenship (Life of
Marius, c. 32).]

[Footnote 657: Or Silo (Life of Marius, c. 33).]

[Footnote 658: There is obviously an error here in Plutarch's text, as
Sintenis observes. The real meaning of what Pompædius said appears
from the context, and from a passage of Valerius Maximus (3. 1, 2),
who tells the same story.]

[Footnote 659: This sham fight was according to an old tradition
established by Æneas. It is described by Virgil, _Æneid_, v. 553, &c.
See Tacitus, _Annal._ xi. 11; and Dion Cassius, 43. c. 23, and 49. c.
43. These games (ludi) were also celebrated under the early Emperors.]

[Footnote 660: The text is literally "a place for the impious," not
_the_ place. But Plutarch may allude to the tortures of the wicked in
the regions below, according to the popular notions.]

[Footnote 661: The possession of a priestly office by a person who
also discharged the functions of civil life was common among the
Romans. The effect of this political institution was more extensive
than at first sight may appear, but the examination of such a question
belongs, as Plutarch sometimes observes, to another place.]

[Footnote 662: He is mentioned by Cicero (_De Offic._ ii. 24), but
some suppose that there were two Tyrian philosophers of that name.]

[Footnote 663: See Plutarch's Life of Cato the Censor, c. 19. This,
the first Roman Basilica, was erected B.C. 182 (Livy, 39. c. 44). A
basilica was a place for law business and the meeting of traders and
the like.]

[Footnote 664: The highest cast with four dice of six sides was
twenty-four points, and it was called Venus. The lowest cast was four
points, and it was called Canis. This is one explanation. But the
Venus is also explained to be the throw which resulted in all the dice
turning up with different faces. See the notes in Burmann's edition of
Suetonius, _Octav. Augustus_, c. 71. It is said that sometimes they
played with four-sided dice, sometimes with six-sided. The subject is
somewhat obscure, and the investigation not suited to all people.]

[Footnote 665: Probably C. Memmius Gemellus, tribune of the Plebs,
B.C. 66. See the Life of Lucullus, c. 37.]

[Footnote 666: This was Q. Cæcilius Metellus Pius Scipio, the son of
P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica, prætor B.C. 94. He was the adopted son of
Q. Metellus Pius, consul B.C. 80, who is mentioned in the Life of
Sulla, c. 28. This rival of Cato was the Metellus who was defeated by
Cæsar at the battle of Thapsus, and is often mentioned in this Life.
It is not said what legal process Cato could have instituted for the
loss of his promised marriage.]

[Footnote 667: This Greek poet, who was probably born about the close
of the eighth century B.C. at Paros, was noted for his biting Iambics,
which became proverbial.

     "Archilochum proprio rabies armavit iambo."

HORAT. _Ars Poet._, v. 79.]

[Footnote 668: This was of course a gentile name. The name Soranus
should be Seranus or Serranus.]

[Footnote 669: C. Lælius, the friend of the elder Scipio Africanus, is
probably meant.]

[Footnote 670: The history of this insurrection of Spartacus is told
in the Life of Crassus, c. 8, &c. As to Gellius, see the Life of
Crassus, c. 9.]

[Footnote 671: Nomenclators, literally, "persons who called or
addressed others by name," were slaves and sometimes perhaps other
persons, whose business it was to know every man's name, to attend a
candidate in his canvass, and to inform him of the names of those whom
he was going to address, in order that he might appear to be
acquainted with them; for in accordance with a feeling, which all men
have in some degree, a desire to be known, a voter was pleased to find
himself addressed by a candidate as if his face and name were
familiar. This kind of notice from people who are above another in
rank and station is peculiarly gratifying to those who are conscious
that they have no real merit, and the pleasure which such attention
gives to those who receive it is the exact measure of their own real
opinion of their insignificance. I say their real opinion, for such
persons have a true opinion of themselves, though they attempt to
conceal it from themselves, and also to conceal it from others, in
neither of which attempts are they quite successful. It makes no
difference if a man knows that the great man who affects to know him
really does not know him, for he knows that the great man does not
know everybody and cares for very few; but the mere pretence of
knowing, the mere show of knowing and recognising, which the great man
assumes, he is willing to take for what he knows that it is not, a
mark of respect; and mainly, that others, as he hopes, may be deceived
by the false appearance, and take him to be what he knows that he is
not.

Cato's tribuneship was a military tribuneship (tribunus militum).]

[Footnote 672: He was a native of Tarsus in Cilicia, and at the time
of Cato's visit to him he had the care of the library at Pergamus.
Strabo (p. 674, ed. Casaub.) says that he died in Cato's house at
Rome.]

[Footnote 673: Ænus was a small town at the mouth of the river Hebrus,
now the Maritza. The island of Thasos, now Thaso, contains marble. The
monument was a costly memorial, if the Attic talent was meant, which
we must presume. Talents of silver are of course intended.]

[Footnote 674: The allusion is to the Anticato of Cæsar (Life of
Cæsar, c. 54). How the matter really was, no one can tell; but such a
story is not likely to be a pure invention.]

[Footnote 675: He is mentioned as being an old man in B.C. 54 (Life of
Crassus c. 17). Deiotarus was a friend of the Romans in their Asiatic
wars against Mithridates, and the senate conferred on him the title of
king. He knew what kind of people he had to deal with when he showed
such attention to Cato's train (c. 15). His history is closely
connected with that of Cæsar, and of Cicero, who made a speech in his
defence before Cæsar at Rome B.C. 45 (Pro Rege Deiotaro).]

[Footnote 676: The story about Demetrius, the contemptible favourite
of Pompeius, is told by Plutarch in his Life of Pompeius, c. 40.
Plutarch makes the visit to Asia precede Cato's quæstorship, upon
which see the remarks of Drumann, _Geschichte Roms_, v. 157. The
narration of Plutarch is evidently confused as will appear from the
fourteenth and fifteenth chapters.]

[Footnote 677: Either C. Scribonius Curio who was consul B.C. 76, or
his son the tribune, an adherent of Cæsar; but probably the father is
meant.]

[Footnote 678: See the Life of Marius, c. 17.]

[Footnote 679: Cato's quæstorship was in the year B.C. 65.]

[Footnote 680: Lutatius Catulus, censor B.C. 65, was the son of
Catulus who with Marius defeated the Cimbri at Vercellæ B.C. 101.
(Life of Marius, c. 25.)]

[Footnote 681: This pasange, which has been supposed by some
translators to mean that Catulus ran the risk of being degraded from
his office, is correctly translated and explained by Kaltwasser. Cato
hinted that the officers of the Court would turn Catulus out, if he
continued to act as he did. Plutarch has told the same story in his
treatise [Greek: peri dusopias] περὶ δυσοπίας, _De Vitioso Pudore_ c.
13, to which Kaltwasser refers.]

[Footnote 682: He may be C. Claudius Marcellus afterwards consul B.C.
50, or his cousin of the same name who was consul B.C. 49.]

[Footnote 683: The parentage of Terentia, Cicero's wife, is unknown.
The mother of Terentia must have married a Fabius, by whom she had
this Fabia, the half sister of Terentia. Fabia was a woman of rank.
Though a vestal virgin, she did not escape scandal, for she was tried
B.C. 73 for sexual intercourse with Catilina: Fabia was acquitted
(Drumann, _Geschichte Roms_, v. 392).

There is a mistake in the text: "charges" (p. 25) is a misprint, and
should be "changes;" in place of "Cicero's wide, he was in great
danger, but he involved Clodius," it should be "Cicero's wife, and she
was in great danger, he involved Clodius."

Therefore in place of "he was," line 10 from bottom, read "and she
was;" and in the same line omit "but." In line 13 from the bottom read
"changes" for "charges."]

[Footnote 684: Probably the name is corrupted. The expression is
attributed to Cato, in the Life of Lucullus, c. 40.]

[Footnote 685: Q. Metellus Nepos was serving under Pompeius in Asia in
B.C. 64. He came to Rome in B.C. 63 to be a candidate for the
tribuneship.]

[Footnote 686: D. Junius Silanus, who was consul with Licinius Murena,
B.C. 62, was now the husbaud of Servilia, who had been the wife of D.
Junius Brutus.]

[Footnote 687: He was the son of L. Licinius Murena, who served under
Sulla in Greece. The son served under his father in B.C. 83 against
Mithridates. After the consular election in B.C. 63 he was prosecuted
for bribery (ambitus). Cicero's speech in defence of Murena is
extant.]

[Footnote 688: The affair of Catiline is spoken of in the Life of
Cæsar, c. 17, and in the Life of Cicero, c. 10, &c.]

[Footnote 689: This Servilia was now the wife of Silanus the consul.
Lucullus the husband of the other Servilia had his triumph in the year
of Cicero's consulship B.C. 63 (Life of Lucullus, c. 37). He was
probably the husband of Servilia at this time.]

[Footnote 690: Short-hand writers were called by the Romans "actuarii"
and "notarii," of which last word Plutarch's word ([Greek:
sêmeiographoi] σημειόγραφοι) is a translation. It is not likely that
short-hand writing was invented for the occasion, as Plutarch says.
Under the empire short-hand writers are often mentioned.]

[Footnote 691: L. Marcius Philippus, consul in B.C. 56 with Cn.
Cornelius Lentulus.]

[Footnote 692: L. Thrasea Pætus, a Latin writer, a native of Padua,
who was put to death by Nero (Tacitus, _Annal._ xvi. 34, 25). His
authority for the Life of Cato was, as it appears, Munatius Rufus, who
accompanied Cato to Cyprus (c. 37).]

[Footnote 693: Quintus Hortensius was consul B.C. 69, a distinguished
orator and a man of refined and luxurious habits. Bibulus is M.
Calpurnius Bibulus, the colleague of Cæsar in his consulship B.C. 59.
He had three sons by Porcia, Cato's daughter by Atilia.

This transfer of Marcia is oddly told by Plutarch. It was not a mere
case of lending the woman for the purpose of procreation, for the
child of Hortensius could not be his legal child, unless Marcia became
his legal wife. Cato must accordingly have divorced his wife, which
was done at Rome without any trouble. The only thing then that is
peculiar in the affair is, that Cato did not divorce his wife because
he was dissatisfied with her on good grounds, nor for such grounds as
Cicero divorced his wife, but for the reason mentioned in the text.
Marcia continued to be the wife of Hortensius till his death. The
marriage with Hortensius probably took place about B.C. 56.

This affair has caused the critics much difficulty. But as we may
assume that Hortensius wished to have a child that would be his own,
which is in fact Plutarch's statement, and one that would be in his
paternal power, he must have married Marcia, and Cato must have
divorced her in proper form. The fact of Philippus giving his daughter
away shows that she was then at his disposal. Cato married her again,
and his conduct proved that he trusted her. The notion of Cato lending
his wife would have been as inconsistent with legal principle and
morality in Rome as such a transaction would be in England.]

[Footnote 694: Compare the Life of Cæsar, c. 8.]

[Footnote 695: Pompeius was now in Asia. See the Life of Pompeius, c.
42, 43.]

[Footnote 696: Castor and Pollux. See the Life of Tiberius Gracchus,
c. 2. The temple was on the south side of the Forum Romanum. The steps
are those which led to the Rostra.]

[Footnote 697: This is the translation of the reading [Greek:
oikothen] οίκοθεν, which is probably incorrect. Solanus proposes
[Greek: autothen] αὐτόθεν, and Kaltwasser proposes [Greek: apothen]
ἀπόθεν, "from a distance," which he has adopted in his version, "und
liess die bewaffneten, die _von fern_ standen, mit furchbarem Geschre*
anrücken."]

[Footnote 698: Lucullus returned B.C. 66. He triumphed B.C. 63. See
the Life of Lucullus, c. 37. Plutarch has here confused the order of
events. Kaltwasser translates this passage as if Lucullus had returned
to Rome after Metellus left it in B.C. 62.]

[Footnote 699: He returned B.C. 62. The consuls who were elected for
the year B.C. 61, were M. Pupius Piso, who had been a legatus of
Pompeius in Asia, and M. Valerius Messalla. See the Life of Pompeius,
c. 44.]

[Footnote 700: Probably Munatius Rufus, who is mentioned again in c.
36. Drumann (_Porcii_, p. 162) says it was Munatius Plancus.]

[Footnote 701: This was in B.C. 61, at the election of the consuls L.
Afranius and Q. Cæcilius Metellus Celer, the consuls of B.C. 60. See
the Life of Pompeius, c. 44.]

[Footnote 702: Cæsar returned B.C. 60, and was consul B.C. 59. See the
Life of Cæsar, c. 13, 14, for the events alluded to in this 31st
chapter; and the Life of Pompeius, c. 47.]

[Footnote 703: See the Life of Cæsar, c. 14.]

[Footnote 704: Numidicus. The story is told in the Life of Marius, c.
29. The matters referred to in this and the following chapter are told
circumstantially by Dion Cassius (38, c. 1-7). See Life of Cæsar, c.
14.]

[Footnote 705: L. Calpurnius Piso, the father of Calpurnia the wife of
Cæsar, and Aulus Gabinius were consuls B.C. 58. Aulus Gabinius, when
Tribunus Plebis B.C. 67, proposed the law which gave Pompeius the
command against the pirates. The meaning of the obscure allusion at
the end of the chapter, which is literally rendered, may be collected
from the context; and still more plainly from the abuse which Cicero
heaps on Gabinius for his dissolute life after he had been banished in
the consulship of Gabinius (Drumann, _Gabinii_, p. 60).]

[Footnote 706: This Ptolemæus, the brother of Ptolemæus Auletes, King
of Egypt, was now in possession of Cyprus, and the mission of Cato,
which could not be to his taste, was to take possession of the island
for the Romans. When Clodius had been made prisoner by the pirates
nine years before, Ptolemæus was asked to contribute to his ransom but
he only sent two talents, for which ill-timed saving he was mulcted in
his whole kingdom by this unprincipled tribune (Drumann, _Claudii_, p.
263).]

[Footnote 707: He is called Caninius in the Life of Brutus, c. 3.]

[Footnote 708: The feeble king had not spirit to attempt a resistance,
which indeed would have been useless. He put an end to himself by
poison (c. 36), and the Romans took the island. A more unjustifiable
act of aggression than the occupation of Cyprus, hardly occurs even in
the history of Rome.]

[Footnote 709: The priesthood of such temples as Paphos was a valuable
thing. These temples had lands and slaves.]

[Footnote 710: This was Auletes, the father of Cleopatra. He was
restored to his kingdom by A. Gabinius B.C. 55, while he was governor
of Syria.]

[Footnote 711: This is the meaning of the passage. The interview was
ludicrous enough, but Dacier makes it still more so, by seating Cato
on a close-stool; and Kind and Schirach, two German translators, make
him receive the king in the same way (Kaltwasser's note).]

[Footnote 712: This was M. Junius Brutus, afterwards Cæsar's friend
and assassin. Cato could not have found a better man for his purpose;
at least for laying his hands on all that came in his way. Brutus took
the opportunity of helping himself to some of the plunder in his
uncle's absence. At a later time he had large sums out at interest in
Cyprus and partly in other persons' names. He was a merciless usurer.
(Cicero, _Ad Attic._, v. 18 and 21; vi. 21; and the Life of Cicero, c.
36, notes.)]

[Footnote 713: Plutarch explains in a general way what is meant. The
Roman word "pignus," which Plutarch translates by [Greek: enechyra]
ἐνέχυρα, means a thing pawned and delivered as a security to the
pawnee. To take pledges, "pignora capere," was to seize something that
belonged to a man in order to compel the discharge of a duty. It was
like a distress for a service. Instances occur in Livy (3. c. 38, 37.
c. 51; Cicero, _De Oratore_, 3. c. 1).]

[Footnote 714: The Greek nominative would be Barcas. The name does not
appear to be Roman and is probably corrupted. Bursa is a Roman name.
See c. 48.]

[Footnote 715: There is no suspicion that Cato got anything for
himself. He was above that. He honestly discharged his dishonest
mission.]

[Footnote 716: This was a port of Corinth on the east side of the
Isthmus.]

[Footnote 717: The amazement of the people at the quantity of the
plunder, and the thanks of the Senate for the faithful discharge of
their order to pillage, might seem regular enough if it had been booty
gotten in war. But the robbery was not gilded with this false show. It
was pure, simple robbery without the accessories of war.]

[Footnote 718: This means a prætorship before the age at which a man
could regularly hold the office. Cato returned from Cyprus in B.C. 56.
He was now thirty-eight years of age, for he died B.C. 46, when he was
forty-eight.]

[Footnote 719: The order of the words in the original makes the
meaning appear somewhat ambiguous. The passage might be translated, as
it is by Dacier, "for the colleague of Philippus paid no less respect
to Cato on account of his merit, than Philippus did on account of his
relationship."]

[Footnote 720: Cicero returned from exile B.C. 57, in the month of
September of the unreformed calendar.]

[Footnote 721: This was the meeting at Luca in B.C. 56. See the Life
of Pompeius, c. 51; and the Life of Cæsar, c. 21.]

[Footnote 722: This was the second consulship of each, and was in B.C.
55. Cato lost the prætorship, and Vatinius was elected instead of him
(Dion Cassius (39, c. 32).]

[Footnote 723: As to Caius Trebonius, see the Life of Pompeius, c.
52.]

[Footnote 724: One would suppose that a less time would have been more
than enough, though not for Cato. Dion Cassius (39. c. 31) says that
Favonius spoke for an hour before Cato did, and took up all the time
in complaining of the shortness of his allowance. It would be a fair
inference that he had little to say against the measure itself.]

[Footnote 725: Dion Cassius (39. c. 35) tells us more particularly how
it happened that P. Aquilius Gallus was in the senate house. Gallus
was afraid that he should be excluded from the Forum the next day, and
accordingly he passed the night in the senate house, both for safety's
sake and to be ready on the spot in the morning. But Trebonius, who
found it out, kept him shut up for that night and the greater part of
the following day.]

[Footnote 726: Cato was prætor in B.C. 54. It does not appear that he
ever was prætor before, and it is not therefore clear what is meant by
the "extraordinary prætorship" (c. 39). In place of the word "Rostra,"
in the fifth line of this chapter, read "tribunal." Plutarch uses the
same word ([Greek: bêma] βῆμα) for both, which circumstance is
calculated occasionally to cause a translator to make a slip, even
when he knows better. The "tribunal" was the seat of the prætor, when
he was doing justice. But lower down (line 8 from the bottom) Rostra
is the proper translation of Plutarch's word ([Greek: epilabesthai tôn
embolon] ἐπιλαβέσθαι τῶν ἐμβόλον) and it was the place from which Cato
spoke, after he had got up. In c. 43, when Cato gets up to speak,
Plutarch makes him mount the Bema ([Greek: bêma] βῆμα), by which he
means the place when the orators stood at the Rostra. The Rostra were
the beaks of the Antiate galleys, with which, it is said, this place
was ornamented at the close of the Latin war (Livy, 8, c. 14).]

[Footnote 727: The reason according to Plutarch why people envy the
man who has a high reputation for integrity, is because of the power
and credit which it gives. Whatever then gives power and credit should
be also an object of envy, as wealth; and so it is. The notion of envy
implies a desire to see the person who is the object of it humbled and
cast down. The Greeks attributed this feeling to their gods, who
looked with an evil eye on great prosperity, and loved to humble it.
But the feeling of envy, if that is the right term, towards him who
has power and credit by reason of his high character for integrity, is
not the same feeling as envy of the wealthy man. The envious of wealth
desire to have the wealth both for itself and for its uses. The
envious of character desire to have the opinion of the character,
because of the profit that is from it, but they may not desire to have
that which is the foundation of the character. If they did, their
desire would be for virtue, and the envious feeling would not exist.
Courage and wisdom are less objects of envy than good character or
wealth, and perhaps, because most men feel that they are not capable
of having the one or the other. The notion of envy implies that the
person has, or thinks he has, the same capability as another who has
something which he has not. A man who is not a painter does not envy a
great painter; a man who is a painter may envy a great painter. The
mass may admire the honest man who is of higher rank than themselves,
even if they have no regard for honesty; but they do not envy; they
wonder as at something which is above them. But if the honest man is
of their own station in life, and has a character of integrity, they
may envy him for his superiority. It appears that if there is a number
of people who are generally on a footing of equality, any superiority
which one may acquire over the rest, makes him an object of envy. If
high character for integrity brings power and credit with it, there
must be some persons with whom the power and the credit prevail, but
these are the persons who are farthest removed from rivalry with him
who has the credit. Those who are nearer to him are the persons who
envy, who feel that the superiority of one man makes their
inferiority. Plutarch assumes the existence of a class who love the
just and give them credit, and of a class who envy them; but the two
classes of persons are not the same.]

[Footnote 728: This name recurs in the Symposium and Phædon of Plato.
The second sentence in this chapter is very corrupt in the original,
and the translation is merely a guess at the meaning. Favonius was
ædile in B.C. 53 (Dion Cassius, 40. c. 45).]

[Footnote 729: Some apology is necessary for translating "pears "
([Greek: apious] ἀπίους, in the original said to mean "pears") into
"parsley." The context shows clearly enough that pears are not meant.
Kaltwasser has made the "pears" into "celery," and there is just as
good reason for making "parsley" of them. Plutarch may have
misunderstood the Roman word "apium" or confounded it with the Greek.]

[Footnote 730: Scipio was the father-in-law of Cornelia, the last wife
of Pompeius (Life of Pompeius, c. 55). As to P. Plautus Hypsæus, see
the Life of Pompeius, c. 55. Titus Annius Milo afterwards killed
Clodius, and Cicero defended him on his trial (Life of Cicero, c.
35).]

[Footnote 731: Pompeius was sole consul B.C. 53, for seven months,
after which he had his father-in-law Scipio as his colleague.]

[Footnote 732: T. Munatius Plancus Bursa was a tribune in B.C. 52.
When Clodius was killed by Milo, the populace, who loved Clodius, took
the dead body into the Curia Hostilia, at the instigation of Bursa and
his colleague Rufus, and making a pile of the benches, burnt the body
and the Curia with it (Dion Cassius, 40. c. 49, 55). Bursa was tried
for his share in this matter and convicted, to the great joy of
Cicero, who was his accuser. Cicero speaks of this affair in a letter
to Marius (_Ad Diversos_, vii. 2).]

[Footnote 733: Servius Sulpicius Rufus, a friend of Cicero, who has
recorded his great talents, and a distinguished Jurist. He was consul
in B.C. 51 with M. Claudius Marcellus.]

[Footnote 734: Kaltwasser refers to the Life of Cæsar, c. 22, for an
explanation of the first part of this chapter; and to the Life of
Cæsar, c. 29, and to that of Pompeius, c. 58, for the transactions
which are mentioned in the latter part of this chapter.]

[Footnote 735: Cæsar took Ariminum (Rimini) in B.C. 49. See the Life
of Cæsar, c. 33, and the Life of Pompeius, c. 60.]

[Footnote 736: In South Italy, now Calabria Ultra. This Munatius was
probably Munatius Rufus.]

[Footnote 737: In Cæsar's Anticato, which has often been mentioned. It
seems that Cæsar raked up all that he could in Cato's life that was
against him, and this affair of Marcia furnished him with plausible
matter. Hortensius died B.C. 50. Drumann remarks (_Porcii_, p. 198),
"that she lived, after the year 56, in which she reconciled Cato with
Munatius Rufus, with the consent of Cato, with Hortensius, after whose
death in the year 50 she returned into her former relation," that is,
she became again the wife of Cato. If so, Cato must have married her
again (see note, c. 25), as Plutarch says that he did. Drumann speaks
as if Cato had a reversion of her, which became an estate in
possession after the estate of Hortensius was determined by her
death.]

[Footnote 738: The quotation is from the Hercules [Greek: Heraklês
mainomenos] Ἡρακλῆς μαινόμενος of Euripides (v. 173), one of the
extant plays.]

[Footnote 739: See Life of Cæsar, c. 72.]

[Footnote 740: Another allusion to the Anticato. It is difficult to
see what probable charge Cæsar could make of this circumstance. The
meaning of Plutarch may easily be conjectured (Drumann, _Porcii_, p.
192).]

[Footnote 741: See the Life of Pompeius, c. 65; and the Life of Cæsar,
c. 39.]

[Footnote 742: Cn. Pompeius, the elder son of Pompeius Magnus is
meant. It is conjectured that the word "young" ([Greek: neon] νέον)
has fallen out of the text (compare c. 58). He had been sent by his
father to get ships, and he arrived with an Egyptian fleet on the
coast of Epirus shortly before the battle of Pharsalus. On the news of
the defeat of Pompeius Magnus, the Egyptians left him (Dion Cassius,
42. c. 12).]

[Footnote 743: He must also have seen Cornelia, for Sextus was with
her. Life of Pompeius, c. 78.]

[Footnote 744: These people are described by Herodotus (iv. 173) as
having been all destroyed by the sands of the deserts, and their
country, which was on the Syrtis, being occupied by the Nasamones.

Lucan (_Pharsalia_, ix. 891) has made the Psylli occupy a conspicuous
place in the march of Cato.

                      "Gens unica terras
    Incolit a sævo serpentum innoxia morsu,
    Marmaridæ Psylli: par lingua potentibus herbis,
    Ipse cruor tutus, nullumque admittere virus
    Vel cantu cessante potest."

Seven days is much too little for the march from Cyrene to the
Carthaginian territory, and there is either an error in Plutarch's
text or a great error in his geography.]

[Footnote 745: The name Libya occurs four times in this chapter. Libya
was the general name for the continent, but the term did not include
Egypt. In the first two instances in which the name occurs in this
chapter, the word is used in the general sense. In the other two
instances it means the Roman province of Africa. Kaltwasser has used
the term Africa in all the four instances. It is immaterial which is
used, if rightly understood in both cases.]

[Footnote 746: See the Life of Cæsar, c. 53, 54, 55, and the
references in the notes.]

[Footnote 747: See the Life of Antonius, c. 81.]

[Footnote 748: See the Life of Cæsar, c. 52, and Dion Cassius, 42, c.
57. This Scipio was unworthy of the name and unequal to the times.]

[Footnote 749: The Greek writers represent the name in different ways.
Plutarch writes [Greek: Itukê] Ἰτύκη. Dion Cassius writes it [Greek:
Outikê] Οὐτική. This old Phœnician city was on the coast near the
mouth of the river Bagradas; but its supposed remains are some
distance inland. (Shaw's _Travels in Barbary_, &c., p. 79, 4to.
edition.)]

[Footnote 750: See the Life of Cæsar, c. 53, and Dion Cassius, 43, c.
7. The battle was fought in B.C. 46.]

[Footnote 751: The son of Cn. Octavius, who was consul B.C. 76. Marcus
was Curule Ædile B.C. 50. (Drumann, _Octavii_, p. 225.)]

[Footnote 752: He was the son of L. Julius Cæsar, consul B.C. 64. The
son was pardoned by Cæsar (_Bell. Afric._ c. 88, 89). Dion Cassius
(43, c. 12) says that Cæsar first brought him to trial, but as he was
unwilling to condemn him by his own authority, he privately got him
put to death. The statement of Dion is deficient in precision,
incredible by reason of Cæsar's well-known clemency, and the
insignificance of Lucius as an enemy, and not altogether reconcilable
with other authorities. (Drumann, _Julii_, p. 125.)]

[Footnote 753: The Phædon which contains the last conversation of
Socrates, and his death. The incident of the reading of the Dialogue,
and the reflections which it suggested, have been used by Addison in
his frigid and bombastic tragedy of Cato.]

[Footnote 754: Kaltwasser quotes a note of Dacier who cannot conceive
how Cato could read so long a Dialogue through twice in so short a
time. It is equally a matter of wonder how any body could know that he
read it through once. The fact that he had the book and was reading it
is all that could be known. Another difficulty that is suggested by
Dacier is, that the Dialogue contains the strongest arguments against
suicide; but perhaps this difficulty is removed by the suggestion that
in one passage it is said that a man should not kill himself till the
deity has sent a kind of necessity; and Cato might conceive, as he did
conceive, that the necessity had come to him.

The suicide of Cato was a peculiar case and hardly belongs to the more
general cases of suicide. His position, if he had lived under the
domination of Cæsar, would have been intolerable to a man of his
principles; for that he might have lived by Cæsar's grace, if he had
chosen, can hardly be doubted notwithstanding Cæsar wrote his
Anticatones.]

[Footnote 755: This was P. Licinius Crassus Junianus, a Junius who had
been adopted by a Crassus, as the name shows.]

[Footnote 756: [Greek: êdê d' ornithes êdon] ήδη δ' ὄρνιθες ηδον. The
translators do not agree about these words. Dacier and others
translate them literally, as I have done. Kaltwasser translated them,
"and already the cocks crowed." He adds that the other translation is
wrong, because it is said immediately after, that it was still night.
But what follows as to the night does not prove that it was dark; it
rather implies that there was not much sleeping time that remained
before morning. Cocks sometimes crow in the night, it is true, but
Plutarch evidently means to show by the expression that the morning
was dawning, and so the birds might be singing, if there were any
birds in Utica. The matter is appropriate for a dissertation, which
would be as instructive as many other dissertations on matters of
antiquity.]

[Footnote 757: Appian (_Civil Wars_, ii. 98, &c.) tells the story of
his death differently. He says that the wound was sewed up, and that
being left alone, he tore his bowels out. But it is improbable that,
if the wound had been sewed up, he would have been left alone. The
story of Dion Cassius (43, c. 11) is the same. See Florus, iv. 2, 71,
who says that he killed himself "circa primam vigiliam."]

[Footnote 758: As he died in B.C. 46, he was in the forty-ninth year
of his age. His chatacter requires no comment; it has been fully
delineated by Plutarch. A single letter of Cato to Cicero is extant
(_Ad Diversos_, xv. 5); and a letter of such a man is worth reading,
though it be short. His speech against the conspirators, which Sallust
has given, may contain the matter, but not the words of Cato.]

[Footnote 759: He had his father's property. After Cæsar's death he
joined M. Brutus, the husband of his sister Portia, and fell at
Philippi B.C. 42. This son of Cato had a younger brother (c. 52),
whose mother was Marcia, but nothing more is known of him. The death
of the wife of Brutus is told in the Life of Brutus, c. 13, 53.]